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260                                                       S.N. Martin

            owners, with some Asian groups eventually emerging as economic and political
            powers in present-day Hawaii (Espiritu 1992).
              This  historical  narrative  of  the  US-settler  colonialism  of  Hawaii  provides  a
            global  context  for  understanding  the  early  exodus  of  Asian  laborers  from  their
            ancestral homelands, making it clear that Asian settlers have a long and rich his-
            tory in Hawaii. It is also clear that the experiences of these settlers are not only
            different from those of the indigenous peoples whose land their labor has helped
            to  colonize,  but  also  that  their  experiences  differ  significantly  from  one  ethnic
            group to the next. Drawing from Freire’s earlier quote, “being in this situation” has
            marked  these  settlers  in  many  ways,  for  example,  by  altering  their  languages,
            sociocultural  practices,  and  even  their  diet/health.  In  addition,  the  racial/ethnic
            makeup of early Asian settlers has been marked by change over time as many of
            the early male laborers married native Hawaiian women, as well as women laborers
            of other races/ethnicities who have since given birth to three, four, and five genera-
            tions of Hawaiians over the last 150 years. That about 21% of Hawaii’s population
            identified themselves as multiracial on the 2000 Census, a figure nearly nine times
            greater than reported in the rest of the USA (Okamura 2008), is indicative of the
            complex, social and  cultural diversity that exists in Hawaii today, much of it a
            result of Asian settlers.
              In addition to being marked by the situation of emigrating to this land, these
            settlers also “marked the land” on which they toiled, first by clearing forests to
            grow sugarcane, and later by building roads, airports, and hotels that have marked
            the islands of Hawaii as a popular vacation place. Seen as “progress” from a colo-
            nial lens, for the indigenous people of Hawaii, these developments have not only
            resulted in a degradation of their homeland but also contributed to a physical/legal
            loss of access to ancestral sites of great spiritual significance. In addition, they too
            have suffered a loss of language, cultural practices, and sense of continuity of a way
            of life as a result of the annexation of their lands and the colonization and destruc-
            tion of the social fabric of their society. In the upcoming sections, I provide a wider
            context for examining the current-day occupation of Hawaii by both the descendents
            of the plantation owners and laborers, and the native peoples who are indigenous to
            the islands.



            Asian Settlers and Hawaii as a Shared (Contested) Place


            Traditionally, settler historiography has tended to conceal the roles different people
            have played (and continue to play) in the oppression of the colonized inhabitants of a
            land, such as Native Americans on the US continental mainland, Aborigines of
            Australia, and the indigenous peoples of Hawaii. Writing from the context of Hawaiian
            scholarship on US colonialism, Fujikane (2008) asserts that settlers to Hawaii can-
            not “insert themselves into a genealogy of the land,” no matter how long the history of
            their oppression in Hawaii. Acknowledging that Native Hawaiians are genealogically
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