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206 LANGUAGE

            become  acute  if  the  terrain  of analysis is shifted to include written or  verbal
            statements which do not clearly belong to a discursive practice—for example,
            statements which are  formulated  within  the field  of popular culture,  common
            sense and so on— and which may in fact be the matrix or point of condensation
            of  a  number of social  and cultural practices—linguistic,  educational, familial,
            religious. In such an instance a theory of discourse analysis presents itself as
            rather too ‘pure’  to  address the  multi-accentuality of statements within what
            Laclau, in a different though related context, has referred to as  ‘popular
            ideological discourse’. 37
              A  similar set of  problems  is raised  by  the more general question of  the
            relationship between a Foucauldian understanding of the discursive and the ‘non-
            discursive’. There is a sense  in which  Foucault’s specifications for the
            constitution of discursive practices can tend to produce a type of ‘history from
            above’: that is, a history of ‘official’ practices, institutional sites and academic
            bodies  of knowledge,  which are understood  to  be operational without the
            possibilities of struggle and contestation. Foucault is insistent that ‘where there is
            power there is resistance’, in that resistances ‘are the odd term in relations of
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            power’ within a  discursive formation.   Further, at  points in his historical
            analyses, particularly in Discipline and Punish, Foucault does attempt to trace
            the effectivity of popular and localized points of resistance to traditional forms of
            the  exercise of power  in influencing  the  formation of the new  penal  code
            (particularly in the account of the spontaneous resistances to the power of the
            king at public hangings and executions). However, the point of focus specified
            by discourse analysis—that is, the regularity of its organization and its field of
            effects—tends to militate against any examination of the interrelation between
            the emergence and continuity of a discourse and forms of resistance, struggle and
            contestation. We still  need a more complex  model for conceptualizing  the
            possible field of relations and effects between the discursive and the non-
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            discursive, which holds,  in something  of  the Gramscian sense,  to  an
            understanding of the continual formation and recomposition of power relations in
            a process of struggle.
              Finally, Foucault’s understanding of discursive subject positions can lead to the
            assumption that discourse constructs passive and unresisting subjects, who are
            only interpellated within the discursive realm.  It presupposes  a neat  and
            functional relation  between the empty discursive subject positions and the
            individuals  who  occupy them,  rather than allowing for the  possibility  of
            resistances to those  subject constructions, which  could draw on a history of
            previous interpellations from  other discursive or  non-discursive  social and
            cultural  practices. There are, for example,  moments in  Discipline and  Punish
            where Foucault’s theory of discursive subjectivity has many of the same problems
            as ‘labelling  theory’ in the sociology of deviance or Althusser’s theory of
            ‘subjectification’ in the essay ‘On Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses’. 40
            Subjects are ‘automatically’ assumed to consent to their subjugation:
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