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                  Subcultural conflict and working-class
                                    community*

                                       Phil Cohen







            The fifties saw the development of new towns and large estates on the outskirts
            of east  London (Dagenham, Greenleigh and  so  on), and a large  number of
            families from the worst slums of the East End were rehoused in this way. The
            East End, one of the highest-density areas  in London, underwent a gradual
            depopulation. But as it did so, certain areas underwent a repopulation as they
            were rapidly colonized by a large influx of West Indians and Pakistanis. One of
            the reasons why these communities were  attracted (in the weak sense  of the
            word) to such areas is often called ‘planning blight’. This concept has been used
            to describe what happens in the take-off phase of comprehensive redevelopment
            in the inner residential zones of large urban centres. The typical pattern is that as
            redevelopment begins, land values inevitably rise and rental values fall; the most
            dynamic elements in local industry, which are usually the largest employers of
            labour, tend to move out, alongside the migrating families, and are often offered
            economic incentives to do so; much of the existing dilapidated property in the
            area is bought up cheaply by property speculators and Rachman-type landlords,
            who are only interested in the maximum exploitation of their assets—the largest
            profits in the shortest time. As a result the property is often not maintained and
            becomes  even further dilapidated.  Immigrant  families with low incomes,
            excluded from council housing, naturally gravitate to these areas to penetrate the
            local economy. This  in  turn accelerates the migration  of the  indigenous
            community to  the new towns and estates.  The only apparent exception  to
            planning blight in fact proves the rule. For those few areas which are linked to
            invisible assets—such as houses of ‘character’ (late Georgian or early Victorian)
            or amenities such as parks—are actually bought up and improved, renovated for
            the new middle class, students, young professionals who require easy access to
            the commercial and cultural centre of the city. The end result for  the local
            community is the same: whether the neighbourhood is upgraded or downgraded,
            long-resident working-class families move out.
              As the worst effects of this first phase, both on those who moved and on those
            who stayed behind, became apparent, the planning authorities decided to reverse
            their policy. Everything was now concentrated on building new estates on slum
            sites within the East End. But far from counteracting the social disorganization
            of the  area, this  merely accelerated  the  process. In  analysing the impact  of
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