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                     CULTURE, SOCIETY AND ECONOMY

                     Soviet Union to master information technology. This failure Castells puts
                     forward as the central reason for the collapse of the Soviet Union.
                     However, his attitude to the East Asian developmental state is quite dif-
                     ferent and it is interesting to note why this is so. According to Castells, the
                     ‘project’ of the state in East Asia ‘took the form of the affirmation of
                     national identity, and national culture, building or rebuilding the nation as
                     a force in the world, in this case by means of economic competitiveness
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                     and socioeconomic improvement’. Thus, the developmental state is to be
                     lauded because it was an identity-affirming, identity-strengthening project –
                     in the sense not of local, but of national community, while the neo-liberal
                     minimalist and the totalitarian Soviet states are to be rejected because
                     both, in different ways, sideline and subordinate identity. One does too
                     little to affirm identity – indeed, corrupts identity with rationalistic self-
                     seeking; the other swallows up identity with its all-pervasive political and
                     police mechanisms, imposing ‘an exclusionary ideological identity’. 34
                        This approach to neo-liberalism and the primacy of identity necessar-
                     ily means that Castells also cannot accept the view of globalization which
                     sees it as nullifying the power of the nation–state. 35  Indeed, he goes to
                     some lengths to distinguish the nation from the state and, as one would
                     expect, to give primacy to the former over the latter. It is the nation – the
                     community writ large – which is his primary reality and the state is simply
                     an instrument which should be made to properly service this ‘project
                     identity’. From this viewpoint – a kind of communitarian nationalism –
                     Castells affirms the persistence of the power of states even where, on
                     other grounds, one may expect his position to be more localist, because
                     states serve the communitarian identity of the nation.
                        At the same time, he necessarily argues that for this and other reasons,
                     there are powerful ‘limits to globalization’. What could these limits be?
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                     There are political and economic factors which establish these limits. The
                     political factors have to do with the role which the state plays in shaping
                     the architecture of global economic and other agreements – the very
                     framework in which globalization occurs. In addition, states also inter-
                     vene very directly to support the interest of particular transnational cor-
                     porations which originate in the home nation–state. The economic factors
                     include the fact that most transnational corporations maintain their decision-
                     making headquarters, main assets, key technological and financial opera-
                     tions in their home nation. Moreover, Castells points out that both trade
                     and investment penetration continue to be very uneven – with the pene-
                     tration of especially the Japanese market being very limited. The most
                     interesting factor, however, is the way in which Castells sees the ‘identity’
                     (my term) of transnational corporations. They are conceived of as cultural


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