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                     CULTURE, SOCIETY AND ECONOMY

                     of experience have taught people in the mass to be deeply skeptical of the
                     grandiose promises made by politicians and to look behind the glitter of
                     monarchies. It will take more than the promotion of middle-class civic
                     activism to address this very hard-headed, political and social popular
                     realism. As recent experience with the Blair regime and the British
                     monarchy has shown, efforts such as Giddens’s are far more likely to be
                     dismissed as ‘spin’ than to be accepted as ‘sacred’ in the manner pro-
                     posed. After all, millions of people around the world have had decades of
                     real, everyday, practical experience with ‘real existing socialism’ as well
                     as with contemporary monopoly capitalism and globalization. The pro-
                     found skepticism towards the self-serving claims of disinterestedness
                     made by public figures of every stripe are hardly likely to be dispelled by
                     rationalistic or non-rationalistic rituals or constitutional devolutions of
                     any kind.  People judge the state of the British National Health Service
                     not by statistics emerging from Downing Street or by criticisms coming
                     from the militant left. They judge it empirically by their practical experi-
                     ence. Likewise, the issue of nationalization or privatization of the British
                     rail system is not judged by the public on an ideological basis. It is judged
                     on the basis of comparing their past experience of the British nationalized
                     system, the present effectiveness of the state-owned French system, and
                     their dismal experience of privatized rail in Britain. It is ‘really existing
                     state socialism and monopoly capitalism’ which have been put in the
                     dock, not ideological concepts. Giddens himself notes: ‘The communica-
                     tions revolution has produced more active, reflexive citizens than existed
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                     before.’ But it is more than just communications and more than just
                     ‘reflexivity’. Indeed, this very concept of ‘reflexivity’ is an intellectualiz-
                     ing of a process which has far deeper foundations in actual practical
                     political, economic and social experience. Neither intellectual reflection
                     nor the effect of the growth of mass communications adequately captures
                     what has occurred, although these obviously play a role. It has been the
                     tumultuous practical political and economic experiences of the twentieth
                     and now of the twenty-first century which have made hundreds of
                     millions of people worldwide into hard-headed skeptical empiricists!
                        At the same time, the notion of a new civic religion for the age of
                     globalization – on the face of it, a bizarre idea – is unlikely to satisfy con-
                     servative (not to mention fundamentalist) adherents of tradition within
                     Western society, not only in the United States but also in Britain. They
                     are likely to see it as a hopelessly outdated rationalistic maneuver – just
                     what one would expect from a secular humanist cosmopolitan intellec-
                     tual. From this point of view, the very notion of a ‘rationalistic sacred’
                     represents the kind of liberal oxymoron which neo-conservatives abhor


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