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                  Large corporations and the control of the
                           communications industries

                                GRAHAM MURDOCK









                                     INTRODUCTION
            The communications industries produce peculiar commodities. At one level they
            are goods and services like any others: cans of fruit, automobiles or insurance.
            But they are also something more. By providing accounts of the contemporary
            world and images of the ‘good life’, they play a pivotal role in shaping social
            consciousness, and it is this ‘special relationship’ between economic and cultural
            power that has made the issue of their control a continuing focus of academic
            and political concern. Ever since the jointstock company or corporation emerged
            as the dominant form of mass media enterprise in the  latter part of  the last
            century, questions about the nature of and  limits  to corporate power  have
            occupied a key place in debates about the control of modern communications.
            This paper sets out to review the major strands in this debate and to evaluate the
            contending positions in the  light  of recent research. Although  most of my
            examples and illustrations will be drawn from contemporary work on Britain, the
            general arguments are applicable to all advanced capitalist economies.

                   CORPORATE CONTROL IN THE CONGLOMERATE ERA

            The potential reach and power of the leading media corporations is greater now
            than at any time in the past, due to two interlinked movements in the structure of
            the communications industries—concentration and conglomeration.
              As I have shown elsewhere (Murdock and Golding, 1977) production in the
            major British mass media markets is increasingly concentrated in the hands of a
            few large companies. In central sectors such as daily and Sunday newspapers,
            paperback books, records, and commercial television programming, two-thirds
            or more of the total audience are reading, hearing or looking at material produced
            by the top five firms in that sector. Other markets, notably cinema exhibition and
            women’s and children’s magazines are even more concentrated, with the lion’s
            share of sales going to the top two companies in each. Even areas such as local
            weekly newspapers where production has traditionally been highly dispersed are
            now showing a significant increase in concentration. In 1947 for example, the
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