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132 CONTROL OF THE COMMUNICATIONS INDUSTRIES
            company’s involvements in arts patronage and social-welfare programmes have
            been hailed as a prime example of the ‘soulful’ corporation in action, and there is
            no doubt that these moves are  partly  motivated by a  genuine concern for the
            quality of communal life. However, as the chairman pointed out to shareholders
            in 1978, they also help considerably  with  the main business of profit
            maximization.

              Atlantic Richfield is aggressively seeking out the economic opportunities
              afforded by our free enterprise system and taking full advantage of them.
              Despite the social upheaval of the last few years (including increasingly
              critical appraisals of business), Atlantic Richfield’s primary task remains
              what it has always been—to conduct its business within accepted rules to
              generate profits, thereby protecting and enhancing the investments of its
              owners. But…senior management recognize  that the  Company cannot
              expect to operate freely or advantageously without public approval. And
              today the public expects a corporation to contribute to the quality, as well
              as the quantity, of life—or go out of business altogether. (Atlantic
              Richfield, 1978, p. 27) [my italics]

            Far from replacing the pursuit of profit  as Berle and Means had hoped, then,
            corporate excursions into social responsibility have become a way of pursuing
            this goal more effectively in an unstable social and political climate.
              Analysing the nature of these constraints on profitability and their implications
            for corporate behaviour provides the basis for the structuralist strand in Marxist
            approaches to corporate control. In contrast, the instrumentalist’s current stresses
            the continuing centrality and power of individual owners and of the capitalist
            class.


                      PATTERNS OF OWNERSHIP: RECENT EVIDENCE
            According to the most recent detailed study of the largest 250 firms in the UK
            economy, well over a half (56.25 per cent) have ‘an effective locus of control
            connected with  an identifiable group  of proprietary interests’ and can be
            classified as owner controlled (Nyman and Silbertson, 1978, p. 80). However,
            the composition of these proprietary interests has changed considerably over the
            last two decades. In 1957, almost two thirds (65.8 per cent) of the shares quoted
            on the London  Stock  Exchange were held  by individuals.  By 1975, this
            proportion had shrunk to just over a third (37.5 per cent). Over the same period,
            the proportion held by major insurance companies, investment trusts and pension
            funds, increased from 19 per cent to 42.7 per cent. There was also a small rise in
            the proportion held by other industrial and commercial companies and  by
            overseas interests (Royal Commission on the Distribution of Income and Wealth,
            1979, p. 141). Not surprisingly, communications corporations show the impact
            of these shifts somewhat unevenly.
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