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CULTURE, SOCIETY AND THE MEDIA 129
              Managerialists see this shift in the locus of corporate control as laying the
            basis for a new kind of advanced industrial order which Berle dubbed ‘People’s
            Capitalism’ (Berle, 1960). According  to  this  argument the fact that  most
            managers own few, if any, shares in the enterprises they run separates them not
            only from the capitalist class but from the underlying aims and interests of that
            class.  Berle and Means, for example, were  adamant that the ‘managerial
            revolution’ raised ‘for re-examintion the whole question of the motive force back
            [sic] of industry, and the ends to which the modern corporation can or will be
            run’ (Berle and Means, 1968, p. 9). They were convinced that as managers were
            progressively  released from the demands  of shareholders  they would  develop
            new aims and motivations. In particular, they suggested that profit maximization
            would cease to be the major driving force behind industrial enterprise and that as
            a result  corporations would become less exploitative  and more socially
            responsible, more ‘soulful’ to use a contemporary term.
              Berle and Means’s general thesis gained enormously in credibility from being
            backed by detailed empirical evidence derived from their research into patterns of
            ownership and control in all 200 of the top American corporations. The results of
            this study are still frequently quoted today, and their approach has been widely
            adopted by subsequent commentators. However, a closer  look at their work
            reveals several major problems.
              Critics have attacked  the  managerialist argument for  underestimating
            the continuing power of capital ownership and for failing to  take adequate
            account of the structural constraints on corporate behaviour. Berle and Means
            regarded 20 per cent as the minimum holding that an owner needed to enforce
            his control. Consequently, if the largest identifiable holding of voting shares fell
            short of this, they defined the corporation as management controlled. Using this
            criterion, they were able to classify two-thirds of  their total sample as under
            management control. However, there are problems with this impressive-looking
            finding. Firstly, the fact that they were unable to obtain reliable information on a
            number of companies means, as they  point out,  that their ‘classification is
            attended by a large measure of error’ (Berle and Means, 1968, p. 84). In fact, as
            Zeitlin has shown (1974, p. 1081–2) their data only allowed them to classify 22
            per  cent of  their  total sample and 3.8 per  cent of the  leading industrial
            corporations as definitely under management control. In the absence of reliable
            data  either way, they simply ‘presumed’ that the rest were also manager-
            controlled. However, this is a dubious assumption for several reasons. In the first
            place, the true extent of proprietal holdings is often disguised through the use of
            ‘nominees’ (usually banks) who hold shares on behalf of owners whose identity
            they are not required to declare.  Prior to the take-over by Thorn  of  EMI, for
            example, both of EMI’s two largest shareholders were controlled by nominees;
            Guaranty Nominees with 6 per cent and Bank of England Nominees with 4.6 per
            cent. But even where the identity of all the major shareholders is known, Berle
            and Means’s method still leads them to  underestimate the degree of potential
            owner control. According to the last shareholders’ list, for example, the largest
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