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124 CONTROL OF THE COMMUNICATIONS INDUSTRIES
              of that power, and the character of those limits. (Marx and Engels, 1968,
              p. 188)

            It is this structural strand in Marx’s thought that has provided the main impetus
            behind the various neo-Marxist political economies of communication.
              This same division between structural approaches on the one hand and action-
            oriented approaches on the other, is also evident in the ‘theories of industrial
            society’ which have provided the  main  counter  to  Marxist models of  modern
            capitalism.
              In contrast to Marxist accounts, ‘theories of industrial society’ start with the
            organization of industrial production rather than the distribution of property and
            the fact of private ownership. The central argument was already evident in the
            writings of Marx’s contemporary Saint Simon, who saw property as a steadily
            declining source of power. As the new industrial order developed, he argued,
            ownership  would become  less and less  significant, and  effective  control over
            production would pass to the groups who commanded the necessary industrial
            technologies and organizations: the scientists, engineers and administrators. This
            theme  of the declining importance  of ownership and the rise of  property-less
            professionals as a key power group, was pursued by a number of later writers.
            But it  found its most powerful and  influential  expression  in Adolf  Berle  and
            Gardiner Mean’s book,  The Modern Corporation and Private Property,
            published in  1932. According to their analysis, the modern corporation had
            witnessed a bloodless revolution in which the professional managers had seized
            control. They had quietly deposed the old captains of industry and become the
            new rulers of the economic order—‘the new princes’. For Berle and Means:

              The  concentration of economic power  separate from ownership  [had]
              created new economic empires, and delivered these empires into the hands
              of a new form of absolutism, relegating ‘owners’ to the position of those
              who supply the means whereby the new princes may exercise their power.
              (Berle and Means, 1968, p. 116)

            This argument made an immediate impact and was widely taken up in books like
            James Burnham’s The Managerial Revolution, whose title provided the popular
            tag  by which  this thesis  came to be known. This idea  of  a ‘managerial
            revolution’ in industry is still very much with us and commands support from a
            number  of eminent political and economic commentators, including John
            Galbraith, who made it one of the major themes in his best-selling book, The New
            Industrial State.

              Seventy years ago the corporation was the instrument of its owners and a
              projection of  their personalities. The names  of these  principals—
              Rockefeller, Mellon, Ford—were known across the land…. The men who
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