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CULTURE, SOCIETY AND THE MEDIA 121
            pointed out,  the concept  of power is a  necessary complement to  structural
            analysis.

              To use the vocabulary of power in the context of social relationships is to
              speak of human agents, separately or together, in groups or organisations,
              significantly affecting the thoughts and actions of others. In speaking thus,
              one assumes that, although the agents operate within structurally
              determined limits, they nonetheless have a certain relative autonomy and
              could have acted differently. The future, though it is not entirely open, is
              not entirely closed either. (Lukes, 1974, p. 54)

            A full analysis of control then, needs to look at the complex interplay between
            intentional action and  structural  constraint at every level  of the production
            process.
              As well as this division between action and structural approaches, the analysis
            of corporate control has been caught up in the basic opposition betwen what
            Giddens has called ‘theories of industrial society’ and ‘theories of capitalism’
            (see Giddens, 1979,  p.  100–1). These theories offer  fundamentally opposed
            models of the socio-economic order produced by industrial capitalism. The basic
            positions began to polarize in the mid-nineteenth century with Marx on the one
            side, and Saint Simon  and his  personal secretary Auguste Comte  (one of the
            founding fathers of modern sociology) on the other (see Stanworth, 1974).
              Although both ‘theories’ start from an analysis of the economic system, they
            approach it in very different ways. Marx begins with the unequal distribution of
            wealth and property and  its convertibility into productive  industrial capital
            through the purchase of raw materials, machinery and labour power. For Marx,
            the defining feature of the emerging industrial order was that effective possession
            of the means of production was concentrated in the hands of the capitalist class,
            enabling them to direct production (including cultural production) in line with
            their interests, and to appropriate the lion’s share of the resulting surplus in the
            form of profit. However, Marx argued, capitalists are not free to do exactly as
            they like. On the contrary, he suggests that they were in much the same position
            as ‘the sorcerer who is no longer able to control the powers of the nether world
            whom he  has called up by his spells’ (Marx and  Engels,  1968,  p.  40). The
            economic system created by the pursuit of profit has, he argued, a momentum of
            its own which produces periodic commercial crises and social conflicts which
            threaten profitability. Consequently, many of the actions of capitalists are in fact
            reactions—attempts to maintain profits in the face of the pressures exerted by
            shifts in the  general  economic  and political system. Marx’s general model,
            therefore, contains both an action and a structural approach to control over the
            cultural industries and both these strands have been pursued by later writers.
              The action  strand in Marxism focuses on the way  in which capitalists use
            communications corporations as instruments to further  their  interests
            and consolidate their power and privilege. In its simplest version, this kind of
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