Page 168 - Culture Society and the Media
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158 CULTURE, SOCIETY AND THE MEDIA
            broadcasting as ‘a history of crises, each causing a wave  of  special caution,
            sometimes lasting for years, inside the organization.’  Sykes, Crawford,
            Beveridge, Pilkington,  and Annan—names of  the men who headed  the
            influential Committees which  have  investigated broadcasting’s  structure  and
            practices  in Britain—are  names which loom large  in  the mythology of the
            broadcasting organizations. The story of broadcasting is in many ways a history
            of how broadcasting organizations set about the task of staying in business. The
            actual programmes reveal the institution’s needs as much as the interests of the
            audience’ (Smith, 1973, p. 59).
              The relationship with government means that the broadcasting organization is
            constantly under review,  at  times under direct scrutiny,  and occasionally—at
            least in the perception of the broadcasters—under threat. For instance, Sir Hugh
            Greene, former Director General  of the BBC, has tellingly described  the
            Corporation’s response to the Pilkington Committee as a ‘battle campaign’ to be
            won by ensuring that no public row broke out over any programme during the
            period of investigation (Greene, 1969). The ‘battle’ analogy, suggesting that
            positions can be fought  for, boundaries defined and  redefined, hostages
            exchanged, and so on, illustrates well the complexity of the positions involved,
            and the limits of control exercised by either ‘side’ in what could be described as
            a ‘war game’ (rather than a war) where the unwritten rules are as important as
            the written.
              Because of the close and complex relationship between media organizations
            and other dominant social and political institutions, it is arguable that the mass
            media will essentially tend to reinforce—even though they may ostensibly, or in
            passing,  challenge or question—prevailing social  and political  hierarchies.
            Examples of such reinforcement can be found in Britain, for instance, as far back
            as the General Strike in 1926 and in current coverage, or lack of coverage, of
            events in Northern Ireland.

              We discussed the problem of reporting Northern Ireland affairs on many
              occasions with people at all levels, and on our visit to the Province. The
              BBC told us that they could not be  impartial about people dedicated to
              using violent methods  to break up the unity of the state.  The  views of
              illegal organizations like the IRA should be broadcast only ‘when it is of
              value to the people that they should be heard and not when it is in  the
              IRA’s interest to be heard’. The BBC said that before 1965 they had tried
              in their reports on Northern Ireland to maintain a consensus and build up
              the middle ground, but when that policy failed they abandoned it. In their
              programme in 1972, ‘The Question of  Ulster’,  they had examined the
              range of views in Northern Ireland, in order ‘to bring the information to the
              attention of  the British public  because  in  the end it was their opinions
              which were going to decide’. In considering what should be broadcast the
              BBC had intensified the ‘reference-up’ system; and they told us that they
              gave particular consideration to the effect of BBC broadcasts on the army
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