Page 18 - Culture Society and the Media
P. 18

8 CULTURE, SOCIETY AND THE MEDIA
              During the late 1960s and the 1970s, the new orthodoxy was challenged from
            two quite different, indeed  opposed,  directions.  Those working within the
            empirical effects tradition initiated what Jay Blumler has called the ‘new look’ in
            mass communications research. This has consisted partly of looking again at the
            small print of the pioneering studies into media effects obscured by the often
            polemically worded dismissals of media influence that  are regularly cited  in
            summary overviews of the literature. For although leading researchers like Katz,
            Lazarsfeld and Klapper reacted strongly against the  conventional view of the
            omnipotent media in sometimes extravagantly worded generalizations, they were
            careful to qualify what they said by allowing a number of cases when the media
            may be or  has  been  persuasive: when  audience attention is  casual, when
            information rather than attitude or opinion is involved, when the media source is
            prestigious, trusted or liked, when monopoly conditions are more  complete,
            when the issue at stake  is remote from the receiver’s experience or concern,
            when personal contacts are not opposed to the direction of the message or when
            the  recipient of  the  message  is cross-pressured.  More recently a number of
            scholars have also re-examined the empirical data presented in the early classic
            ‘effects’ studies and argued that they  do not fully support the negative
            conclusions about media influence  that were derived from them (Becker,
            McCombs and McLeod, 1975; Gitlin, 1978). Furthermore, it has been argued,
            social changes such  as the  decline of stable political allegiances and  the
            development of a new mass medium in television require the conclusions derived
            from older empirical studies to be reassessed. A succinct statement of this ‘new
            look’ is presented by Michael Gurevitch and Jay Blumler later in this book.
              The limited model of media influence was also attacked  by scholars in the
            Marxist and neo-Marxist critical tradition that became a growing influence on
            mass communication research during the 1970s. The initial response of many
            Marxist and critical writers was to dismiss out of  hand empirical
            communications research as being uniformly uninteresting. The  media, they
            argued, were ideological agencies that played a central role in maintaining class
            domination: research  studies that denied media influence were so  disabled in
            their theoretical approach as to be scarcely worth confronting (or indeed, even
            reading).
              Some  empirical researchers responded  with evident exasperation to this
            sweeping dismissal by arguing that disciplined, rigorous empirical research had
            revealed the inadequacy of unsubstantiated theorizing about the mass media (e.g.
            Blumler, 1977). Indeed,  a casual  reader of  exchanges  between  these two
            traditions might be forgiven for thinking that a new engagement had developed
            in which a view of the mass media as having only limited influence, grounded in
            empirical  research within a liberal tradition,  was pitted against an alternative
            conception of the mass media as powerful agencies, informed by an exclusively
            theoretical Marxist/critical perspective.
              But while the two research traditions are, in some ways, fundamentally and
            irreconcilably  opposed,  they are not divided primarily by the differences
   13   14   15   16   17   18   19   20   21   22   23