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CULTURE, SOCIETY AND THE MEDIA 189
            confined to affluent urban sectors.  But even with radio  there were many
            problems related to quality of reception, supply of receivers and maintenance.
            Many broadcast organizations, finally, found it difficult to infuse the high levels
            of talent and resources required to sustain quality of programming over time, in
            order to sustain, in turn, listeners’ motivation and the pedagogic impact of the
            material transmitted.
              Re-interpreting the evidence from  a number  of early experiments in
            educational television, Carnoy (1975) argued that educational television (ETV)
            did not provide instruction that was cheaper than alternative methods of
            improving education,  methods  that involved the addition of more trained
            teachers to the school system; and that the introduction of ETV did not obviate
            the need to retrain teachers. There was a tendency for the educational benefits to
            be concentrated in the first year of pupils’ exposure to such programming, and it
            was uncertain whether these improvements would extend throughout school life.
            Carnoy was doubtful if such improvements would seem significant if compared,
            not with traditional educational systems,  but with non-ETV innovations  in
            teaching methods. There was also some doubt, he claimed, whether there was a
            high  pecuniary rate of  return on  investment in educational expansion  per se:
            evidence of the rate of return on increased student attainment indicated that it
            was greater at the lower levels of schooling than at higher levels, but there was
            no conclusive evidence that this pay-off compared favourably with other public
            investments. Nor could it be said that  ETV contributed  significantly to
            equalization of opportunity and income in society: in none of  the  projects  he
            examined  did he find any features  of design or  execution that would  have
            redistributed education itself or the income associated with more schooling.
              But the future of broadcasting for education in the ‘developing’ countries is
            more likely to rest with radio than with television. Jamison and McAnany (1978)
            identified three objectives for radio in relation to formal education: improving
            educational quality and relevance;  lowering educational costs; and improving
            access to education. Examining the strategies available for the achievement of
            these objectives, they concluded that only distance learning (replacing teacher
            and school) definitely seemed  to improve access and  reduce cost,  but that
            improvements in the quality of education were not generally associated with this
            strategy. Their  findings  also suggested that radio was much less likely  to be
            effective in teaching cognitive skills, work skills and in changing behaviour than
            it was likely to be effective in motivating and informing. But unless resources
            were made available to enable motivation to be translated into action, the
            effective benefit could be negligible.
              Katz and Wedell (1975) have argued that ‘extensive’ use of broadcasting is
            more likely to be successful than ‘intensive’ use. By ‘extensive’ they refer to
            programming that is not associated with formal education,  that is received in
            private homes in the normal course of broadcast transmissions, and which may
            take the form either  of  informational or entertainment  matter, but which is
            designed  with certain developmental goals  in mind. Intensive  use  of
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