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184 CULTURAL DEPENDENCY AND THE MASS MEDIA
            This claim implicitly justified cultural penetration by more ‘developed’ societies,
            and  had a substantial intellectual heritage. Several studies  had found  a
            relationship between mass media availability or exposure and other indices of
            industrialization or  ‘modernity’ (see Schramm, 1964). It was  hypothesized
            (Lerner, 1958) that the link was causal, that the mass media contributed to the
            process of becoming ‘modern’. One possible link in the causal chain lay in the
            area of attitude change and conceptual skill. This in turn could be related to some
            studies of western industrialization which had attached considerable importance
            to social-psychological variables such as in Weber’s (1965) description of the
            ‘protestant ethic’ and its associated syndrome of deferred gratification. (Weber’s
            thesis  was  discredited  by Trevor-Roper (1977), who argued, amongst other
            things, that many Calvinist entrepreneurs lived far from frugal lives, and that
            rational capitalism existed in southern  Catholic Europe before  the  growth of
            Calvinism.) A related  application was McClelland’s (1961)  concept  of
            ‘achievement motivation’,  propensity for which was associated with, among
            many other factors, the content characteristics of traditional children’s stories.
            Lerner (1958) in  his study  of development in  the Middle East  identified
            ‘empathy’ as  the  crucial modernizing component of  the human psyche and
            defined the concept in terms of a high capacity for rearranging the self-system at
            short notice. The mass  media were important  facilitators of this process of
            interior manipulation.
              Elaboration of theory along lines such these was problematic. The model of
            development,  as  we have seen, was  ethnocentric.  Not only did it  obscure  the
            reality about some of the conditions of developing countries, but it even obscured
            the  reality of the nature  of the  so-called developed countries. For  instance,
            certain features that had been considered typical of ‘traditional’ societies and
            inimical to ‘development’ were to be later identified in ‘developed’ societies. It
            was not obvious that all or  even most  ‘traditional’  values were inimical  to
            development: in Japan  they  were  very likely  positive facilitators.  Nor was it
            obvious that supposedly ‘modern’ features necessarily facilitated development.
            Lerner’s ‘empathy’  concept might, for  example, appear to  be  a facilitating
            quality, especially in relation to entrepreneurship and other innovative processes.
            But it could also be seen as an obstacle in the way of cementing the kind of work
            discipline ‘appropriate’ for the masses in developed industrial countries. High
            ‘empathy’ might have a destructive impact on industrial society by generating a
            critical approach to authority and by kindling an impatience with the constraints
            imposed by industrialism on certain possibilities for individual development.
              One important way the media were seen as being able to promote economic
            growth through attitude change was in their role as vehicles for the advertising
            and the display of consumer goods. This, it was  believed, would  promote
            consumption,  which  in turn would promote local industrialization,  higher
            incomes and yet further consumption. But this view was attacked by critics of
            ‘cultural imperialism’ on the grounds that it greatly underestimated the extent to
            which, first, production of consumer goods continued to be controlled by or in
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