Page 255 - Culture Society and the Media
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CULTURE, SOCIETY AND THE MEDIA 245

            Table 1: TV owners’ reasons (per cent) for watching party election broadcasts:












            following table, which comes from Blumler and McQuail’s (1968) study of the
            1964 British General Election.
              In addition, a number of recent studies of mass communication content have
            produced evidence of ‘patterning and consistency  in the media version of the
            world’ (McQuail, 1977, p. 81). The argument here is that the mass media, on the
            whole, present  a consonant view of certain  portions of social reality (e.g.  in
            reporting of race relations, industrial relations, deviance, etc.), thus rendering one
            view dominant, and encouraging audience members to accept it as if ‘obvious’
            or ‘natural’.
              The crucial  conceptual  distinction that  has arisen  from these reflections  is
            between  attitudes and  cognitions. As Becker, McCombs and  McLeod (1975)
            have defined these terms: ‘Attitudes are summary  evaluations  of objects by
            individuals’; ‘cognitions are stored  information about these objects held  by
            individuals’. They recognize that evaluations may be based on cognitions and
            that their interrelations may be complex, but they suppose that cognitions can be
            measured independently of attitudes and can be assessed ‘against some external
            objective criterion of communicated information’. Hence, the shift in research
            focus towards a greater stress on how the mass media project definitions of the
            situations that political actors must cope with, than  on attitudes toward  those
            actors themselves.
              Probably the most representative example of this approach can be found in
            attempts  to study the so-called  ‘agenda-setting  function’ of  the mass media.
            These aim to explore  what  it means to have  a media system that determines
            which issues, among a whole series of possibilities, are presented to the public for
            attention. The central concern of agenda-setting research is to test the hypothesis
            of a ‘strong positive relationship between the emphases of mass media coverage
            and  the salience of  these  topics in  the  minds  of individuals  in the audience’
            (Becker, McLeod and McCombs, 1975, p. 38). What is more, the relationships
            involved are assumed to be causal. As Shaw and McCombs (1977) have put it in
            a book entirely devoted to this type of research: ‘increased salience of a topic or
            issue in the mass media influences…the salience of that topic or issue among the
            public’ (p. 12). As such formulations imply, the bulk of agenda-setting studies
            have focused on ‘issues’—their prominence and frequency of display in media
            portrayals  in comparison with their place in audience  members’ orders of
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