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THEORETICAL APPROACHES  21
              Of course, ‘idealism’ and ‘economism’ are terms which are readily exchanged
            in arguments between Marxists, each protagonist invoking the name of the master
            and the spirit of historical materialism. The ‘political economy’ account of the
            media is well represented by Murdock’s article later in the reader, which argues
            for the location of  media power in the economic processes and structures of
            media production.  In a  return to  the base/superstructure  metaphor, ‘political
            economists’ conceive of ideology both as less important than, and determined by
            the economic base. Ideology is returned to the confines of ‘false consciousness’
            and denied autonomous effectiveness.  Also, since the  fundamental  nature of
            class struggle is grounded in economic antagonisms, the role of the media is that
            of  concealing  and misrepresenting these fundamental antagonisms. Ideology
            becomes the route through which struggle is obliterated rather than the site of
            struggle. Murdock and Golding contend that the pressure to maximize audiences
            and  revenues  produces a consistent  tendency to avoid the  ‘unpopular and
            tendentious and draw instead  on the  values and assumptions  which are most
            familiar and most widely legitimated’ (Murdock and Golding, 1977, p. 37). The
            role of  the  media here is  that of legitimation  through the  production of false
            consciousness, in the interests of a class which owns and controls the media. The
            main  concern  of this form of  media research is,  therefore, the increasing
            monopolization of the culture industry, through concentration and diversification.
              Valuable though such research may be in summarizing the evidence on the
            ownership of the media, there are problems with this return to the classic model
            of base and superstructure. As Hall suggests, the advocates of ‘political economy’
            ‘conceive  the  economic level as not only  a “necessary” but  a “sufficient”
            explanation of cultural and ideological effects’ (Hall, 1980, p. 15). Yet the focus
            on general economic  forms of capitalism dissipates  distinctions between
            different media practices  and allows little in the way of specific historical
            analysis beyond the bare bones of  ownership. There is obviously  some
            justification  in the  arguments by political  economists that ideology has been
            given priority at  the expense of serious consideration of  the economic
            determinants of the mass media. Yet political economy, in its present state of
            development, would return us to the view of the media as a distorting mirror, a
            window on reality, which misrepresents  reality. This view of the  media,
            combined with a predilection for empirical analysis in the area of ownership and
            media organizations,  frequently seems to give political economy more in
            common with pluralist accounts of the media than with other Marxist accounts.

                               ‘Culturalist’ studies of the media

            Culturalist studies of the  media could be said to stand  in  an uneasy and
            ambiguous position in relation to the theoretical concerns of structuralism and
            political economy. On the one hand the indigenous British tradition of cultural
            studies, initiated through  the work of  Williams,  Thompson and  Hoggart has
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