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Electronic Networks and Civil Society         79

             normally an Internet message cannot reach an unlimited number of
             people in the same form and at the same time. Therefore users never
             know if they have reached a mass public or not. Hence, electronic net-
             works cannot replace the mass media’s role as supporting specific
             kinds of selection and inclusion. Computer networks even seem to
             threaten a public based on an orientation towards generalized prod-
             ucts of meaning. All participants can become active providers, but this
             inevitably leads to “parceling out” of the electronic space. Through net-
             working, more and more participants have a voice; but because of the
             increasing number of participants there is less and less time to listen.
             This problem can only be solved by a new asymmetry of speaker and
             listener roles, or through a limitation of the communication configu-
             rations (Helmers et al 1998). Therefore electronic networks do not
             offer a functional equivalent to the mass media.
                 So far, the Internet lacks the ability to dramatize problems in a
             way that makes political systems take notice of them. There is no
             strategy for clustering different perspectives and discourses so that
             they may represent transcontextual themes and perspectives that
             could influence the process of political decision-making. So, at least
             for the moment, mass media cannot be replaced by electronic com-
             munication networks, as only mass media can guarantee this kind of
             transcontextual clustering of topics and is able to force political re-
             actions. But we assume that the Internet increases the opportunities
             available to citizens for expressing their interests. Considering this,
             the Internet will influence political public opinion to a large extent,
             because new domains of discussion and new discourse forms will en-
             large current ways of generating public opinion.
                 At this point, it seems appropriate to refer again to Habermas
             (1992, 435), who distinguishes between a kind of general public opin-
             ion generated by mass media, and a different form of partial public
             opinion which is less formal. Partial public spheres are character-
             ized by variable non-governmental and non-economical associations
             and assemblies, (i.e. community pressure groups, political associa-
             tions, etc.). In comparison with other political actors such as political
             parties, these grassroots movements are concentrated on specific is-
             sues; they are timely, restricted and the ties between their members
             are relatively weak. Together they constitute the so-called civil soci-
             ety (compare with Cohen and Areto 1992; Frankenberg 1996; Hall
             1995) Each of these pre-institutional associations creates a specific
             public sphere. Debates on this level of articulating and defining po-
             litical issues often contradict the general public opinion produced by
             mass media. These partial publics therefore can be understood as an
             important space of resonance for the “real” problems and interests of
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