Page 19 - Democracy and the Public Sphere
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14 Jürgen Habermas

                               focus on those dynamics which, rather than bringing history into line
                               with the Kantian ideal, served only to transform both the institutional
                               contours and self-image of the political public sphere.

                                       THE FALL OF THE BOURGEOIS PUBLIC SPHERE

                               For Hegel, the intractable problems of privilege and conflict in civil

                               society destroyed the universalism and permanence to which ‘public
                               opinion’ could lay claim in the Kantian system. With Hegel, public
                               opinion ‘no longer retained a basis of unity and truth; it degenerated
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                               to the level of a subjective opining of the many’.  Politics could
                               not be subsumed by an abstract ‘universal morality’. The state is
                               compelled to intervene in an unruly civil society. Yet, in standing
                               above public opinion, the state could in principle unify civil society:
                               it could become an embodiment of the Zeitgeist in which a populace

                               craving spirit, rather than abstract morality, would find meaning. In
                               the Hegelian system, then, public opinion is paradoxically respected
                               and despised as it both refl ects and threatens to dissolve a national
                                    50
                               ethos.  For Habermas, Hegel demotes the public sphere to a ‘means
                               of education’, motivation and assembly for an otherwise entropic
                               public opinion. 51
                                 Marx, like Hegel, saw civil society characterised by intractable
                               contradictions rather than a latent harmony of interests but, as is
                               well known, this ultimately led him down a very different path.
                               Whilst the universal ideals of the bourgeois revolutions served to
                               conceal their partial realisation, Hegel’s glorification of the Prussian

                               estates-based constitution looked to Marx like a futile attempt to
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                               rewind the emancipatory energies unleashed by the revolutions.
                               For Hegel, the bourgeois public sphere had, in assuming legislative
                               functions, become too public. For Marx, by contrast, it was not public
                               enough. Marx’s statement on the German bourgeoisie in 1844 neatly
                               encapsulates this perspective:

                                 It is not radical revolution or universal human emancipation which is a
                                 utopian dream for Germany; it is the partial, merely political revolution,
                                 the revolution which leaves the pillars of the building standing. What is the
                                 basis of a partial and merely political revolution? Its basis is the fact that one
                                 part of civil society emancipates itself and attains universal domination, that
                                 one particular class undertakes from its particular situation the universal
                                 emancipation of society. This class liberates the whole of society, but only









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