Page 24 - Democracy and the Public Sphere
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Excavations: The History of a Concept  19

                                    each in the interests of the reproduction of his own life and, on the other
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                                    hand, the sort of action that united people into a public.

                                  This passage is helpful in clarifying Habermas’s arguments. The
                                  ideological nature of eighteenth-century bourgeois universalism is
                                  indisputable. Yet the bourgeois public sphere could be more than
                                  mere ideology precisely because of the structural dominance of the
                                  bourgeoisie: to use the Aristotelian distinction, once favoured by
                                  Marx, the bourgeois public sphere could imagine itself to exist in the
                                  ‘realm of freedom’, rather than the ‘realm of necessity’. The same
                                  could not be said for a majority of citizens in the post-bourgeois
                                  public sphere. Habermas, echoing the views of his Frankfurt School
                                  predecessors, treats the domain of ‘leisure’ less as a realm of freedom
                                  than as a recuperative and compensatory necessity shaped by the
                                  onerous demands of the world of work; for the most part leisure, in
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                                  Adorno’s phrase,  is a ‘mere appendage of work’, an extension of
                                  worker dependency. Whilst the ‘leisure’ enjoyed by the bourgeoisie
                                  stood at least at arm’s length from questions of survival, leisure in
                                  the post-bourgeois world lacked the capacity ‘to constitute a world
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                                  emancipated from the immediate constraints of survival needs’.  The

                                  foundations of an autonomous realm of reflection and debate were
                                  lacking. Urban and suburban lifestyles were eroding the integrity of
                                  both privacy and publicity, and the solitary act of reading and the
                                  sociability of public debate, once symbiotic, were imploding into the
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                                  television-dominated living room.  The frenetic pace of modern life
                                  didn’t lend itself to critical reasoning. Neither, moreover, did the
                                  evolving mass media and cultural industries, for whom Habermas
                                  reserves much of his contempt.
                                    Habermas’s impassioned critique of the twentieth-century
                                  mass media and cultural industries is provocative and a little less
                                  than coherent. The reader is left to untangle the twin threads of
                                  sweeping polemic and more nuanced critique which enjoy an uneasy
                                  coexistence. I shall attempt, very briefly, to do a little unpicking here.

                                  Twentieth-century mass culture is drawn, for Habermas, towards a
                                  lowest common denominator. As the public sphere expands, the
                                  complexity of cultural products is lowered to make them more
                                  readily saleable: individuals do not have to raise their own levels

                                  of understanding and reflection to meet the requirements of the
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                                  cultural supply.  Intellectuals, critics and the avant-garde become
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                                  alienated and aloof from this homogenising mass.  This depiction,
                                  Habermas assures us, does not amount to elitism: what he laments







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