Page 16 - Living Room WarsDesprately Seeking the Audience Rethinking Media Audiences for a Postmodern World
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Desperately seeking the audience     4
        makers, critics and communication scholars alike are used to emphasizing the profound
        differences between public service and  commercial arrangements of  television
        broadcasting, not just at the economic level, but more importantly regarding the cultural
        values and intentions that sustain both types of systems. These differences are important
        indeed, but it is at least remarkable, as I will clarify in Part III, that the institutions of
        West European public service broadcasting have gradually come to appropriate similar
        ways of knowing the television audience as  their  commercial  rivals,  including  an
        increasing reliance on the kind of knowledge provided by audience measurement.
           This convergence has been possible, I suggest,  not just because public service
        broadcasting has somehow been contaminated by commercial thinking,  but  more
        fundamentally because in the end all television institutions, irrespective of their founding
        principles, are seeking their own survival and continuity  in  a  complex  and  uncertain,
        highly competitive social environment. In other words, when it comes to constructing the
        institution/audience relationship, public service and commercial institutions share more
        than is commonly acknowledged. The very real differences between the two have been
        outweighed  by  a  massive concordance in their adoption of a specifically institutional
        point of view from which ‘television audience’ is known as an objectified category of
        others to be controlled.



                       THE CHANGING TELEVISION LANDSCAPE

        This  is  a  particularly  suitable  time to disentangle the problematic nature of current
        knowledge about television audiencehood because television institutions on both sides of
        the Atlantic have been in major turmoil since the late-1970s. In the United States, the
        virtual hegemony of the three commercial networks ABC, CBS and NBC has gradually
        been subverted by the emergence of hundreds of independent stations, cable and satellite
        channels, a development that was instigated by the deregulation policies of the Reagan
        administration (cf. Gomery 1989). By 1988, the balance of power within the American
        television business had shifted considerably in favour of the  cable  companies  at  the
        expense of the networks. For example, CNN, the 24-hour Cable News Network owned by
        media mogul Ted Turner, made more profit in that year than the CBS and ABC networks
        together (Broadcasting 12 October 1987; Foges 1989). As a result, competition  has
        intensified and is unlikely to slacken, at least in the near future. It is a competition that is
        ultimately fought out over and about the audience: as a market, it is now in ever greater
        demand.
           The advent of new television transmission and distribution technologies such as cable
        and satellite has also transformed the landscape of West European television. The time-
        honoured  public  service tradition in Western Europe has been thrown into a severe
        crisis—a crisis which is articulated by the  growing  influence  of  commercially-run
        channels. For example, Turner’s CNN is only one of the American cable channels that
        has already entered the European airwaves through satellite, while a host of other, mostly
        European-based national and transnational channels such as Sky Channel, Sky
        Television, Super Channel, Sat1, RTL Plus, RTL Veronique, TF1, Canal Plus, TV5 and
        VTM,  have  made their way into people’s living rooms in diverse countries. In the
        European context too then increased competition is the direct consequence of these recent
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