Page 18 - Living Room WarsDesprately Seeking the Audience Rethinking Media Audiences for a Postmodern World
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Desperately seeking the audience     6
           This suggests that if television institutions need to know the audience in order to
        establish and maintain a relationship with it, they are generally not interested in getting to
        know what real people think and feel and do in their everyday dealings with television.
        Indeed, institutional knowledge about the television audience inevitably abstracts from
        the messy and confusing social world of actual audiences because this world is irritating
        for the institutions, whose first and foremost concern is to seize control over their own
        conditions of existence. As I hope to clarify throughout this book, a too-detailed
        familiarity with the everyday engagements of actual audiences—that is, knowledge that
        takes  into account the full complexity of the everyday realities of television
        audiencehood—would only be counterproductive in this respect. Institutional knowledge
        is driven toward making the audience visible in such a way that it helps the institutions to
        increase their power to get their relationship with the audience under control, and this can
        only be done by symbolically constructing ‘television audience’ as an  objectified
        category of others that can be controlled, that is, contained in  the  interest  of  a
        predetermined institutional goal.


                           CONTROL THROUGH KNOWLEDGE

        The practice of audience measurement provides a clear example of what this process of
        control  through  knowledge entails. Like retail statistics, opinion surveys, box office
        figures and other types of market research, audience measurement is an instance of what
        James Beniger (1986) has called ‘market feedback technologies’, that were developed in
        the first decades of the twentieth  century  as  a response to the increasing demand for
        rationalized control of mass consumption in the United States. Beniger’s characterization
        of these forms of research as technologies of control is illuminating, because it refuses to
        see them as neutral instruments but situates them in a larger  social arena in which
        relations of power are at stake. Following this perspective, audience measurement can be
        seen as a central site where the television industry enacts its power to gain control over
        the audience.
           In his discussion of the rise of the technologies of control Beniger adopts a macro-
        sociological  perspective that he calls the Control Revolution, which leads him to
        foreground their status as sure agents of a major historical transformation towards today’s
        ‘information society’. Important as this telescopic historical perspective is, however, it
        does  not  allow  for an examination of exactly how control is exerted by these
        technologies. In this book, I take up a more microscopic stance and will try to highlight
        the process by which audience measurement performs its  controlling  task  within
        television institutions. This emphasis on process will make clear that the control made
        possible by audience measurement is  inevitably precarious and provisional. This is
        obvious,  because the fundamental mechanism by which control through audience
        measurement is implemented is of a discursive rather than a material nature; it works
        through the production of knowledge rather than through direct domination. Audience
        measurement, after all, is a form of research,  whose manifest aim is to accumulate
        information about the television audience. But ironically, as I will describe in Part II, the
        information provided by audience measurement, while intended to solve the American
        television industry’s problem of control, has itself become a problem. The information is
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