Page 162 - Discrimination at Work The Psychological and Organizational Bases
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6. RACE COMPOSITION
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 The Law and Its Enforcement
 In theory, since the passage of Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which
 prohibited, among others, sex and race discrimination in establishments
 with at least 15 workers, it should have been costly to engage in such
 discrimination. However, because of legal ambiguities about what con­
 stitutes compliance and spotty enforcement (e.g., Donohue & Siegelman,
 1991; Edelman, 1992; Leonard, 1989), organizations can choose to "take
 substantive action or merely comply symbolically" (Bielby, 2000, p. 125;
 see also, Edelman & Petterson, 1999). Organizations subjected to stronger
 enforcement pressures (e.g., federal contractors) are more open to minori­
 ties than those who are not (e.g., Brown, 1982; Holzer, 1998; Leonard, 1984).
 One can think of equal employment opportunity (EEO) legislation and
 administrative orders (e.g., Executive Order 11246) as having generated
 what Konrad and Linnehan (1995) called "formalized human resource
 management (HRM) structures" within organizations. These structures
 refer to formal rules, procedures, programs, and positions that influence
 personnel decisions. As noted above, these formalized structures merely
 may be symbolic (e.g., Edelman, 1992), intended to do little to improve the
 employment status of protected groups. A more favorable view is that these
 structures are ineffective because they are intended to be "identity-blind"
 (Konrad & Linnehan, 1995) or to function under "a veil of ignorance as to
 group identification" (Glazer, 1988, p. 32) thereby supposedly eliminating
 discrimination based on group membership. However, Konrad and Lin­
 nehan reasoned that the impact of identity-blind structures is limited, for
 they do not adequately control biases against members of protected groups.
 Alternatively, they argue that "identity-conscious" or "race-conscious"
 (e.g., Glasser, 1988) structures, which include demographic group identity
 in HRM decision-making processes, are more effective. This is so because
 personnel decisions are monitored more closely and, thus, the numbers,
 experiences, and outcomes of protected group members are attended to
 more closely, with special efforts made to employ and promote them.
 Empirically, Konrad and Linnehan (1995) observed, among the organi­
 zations they studied, that identity-conscious but not identity-blind HRM
 structures were associated positively with indicators of the employment
 status of people of color. Therefore, it seems vigorous law enforcement
 matters, likely by promoting HRM policies, practices, and procedures that
 are race sensitive. Weak law enforcement, on the other hand, likely pro­
 motes ineffective or simply symbolic gestures on the part of organizations
 subjected to them. These conclusions were drawn based upon research ad­
 dressing the enforcement of federal law. However, state and local laws and
 the enforcement of them may matter too; only future research will tell.
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