Page 268 - Discrimination at Work The Psychological and Organizational Bases

10. WORKPLACE DISCRIMINATION
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empirical research: (a) coworkers' reactions, (b) supervisors' reactions and
willingness to accommodate, and (c) persons with disabilities' willingness
to request an accommodation.
Theoretical models have been posited for each of these outcomes. Colella
and her colleagues have applied an organizational justice framework to
examine coworkers' reactions to accommodation (Colella, 2001; Colella,
Paetzold, & Belliveau, 2004). There have also been conceptual models put
forth regarding whether or not an organization or manager will grant an ac­
commodation (Cleveland, Barnes-Farrell, & Ratz, 1997; Florey & Harrison,
1998). Finally, Baldridge and Veiga (2001) developed a model concerning
what will influence whether or not a person requests an accommodation.
However, empirical research on these three issues is sorely lacking, despite
sound theoretical frameworks for guiding it.
Conceptual Underpinnings of Disability Discrimination Research There is
a great deal of theory that explains discrimination against persons with
disabilities. Indeed, the empirical work on workplace discrimination lags
behind the theoretical work. Rather than describe every conceptual rea­
son for disability discrimination, we draw attention to concepts that have
been relatively ignored. Most research on disability discrimination has
taken a cognitive approach, focusing on stereotypes, expectations, and
stigmas (Stone & Colella, 1996; Stone, Stone, & Dipboye, 1992), and this
issue is treated in detail elsewhere in this volume, as well as in Stone &
Colella's (1996) model. We focus here on two other explanations for dis­
ability discrimination that have received very little attention in the work
discrimination literature: emotional responses and the notion of pater­
nalism.
Emotional Responses One factor that distinguishes disability discrimi­
nation from other types of discrimination is that anyone can become dis­
abled at any time. Recent census data report that nearly one in five people in
the United States report having some disability (U.S. Census Bureau, 2001),
and this number is expected to grow given the aging population. People
do not usually switch categories on other demographic characteristics—
thus, this fact introduces different dynamics into the disability discrimina­
tion process. Livneh (1982) argued that one of the bases for discrimination
against persons with disabilities results from the existential anxiety that oc­
curs when a nondisabled person identifies with a person with a disability
and consequently fears becoming disabled him or herself. Thus, we argue
that because of this, emotion plays a significant role in disability discrim­
ination, and as discuss below, there is an emotional component to many
disability discrimination theories. Yet, little empirical research has focused
on emotional or "gut level" reactions. Examining disability discrimination