Page 95 - Envoys and Political Communication in the Late Antique West 411 - 533
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The provincial view of Hydatius

           The second embassy between Carthage and Braga attested by Hydatius
         also suggests more regular contact than the Chronicle records. In 467, fol-
         lowing Euric’s usurpation of the Gothic kingship at Toulouse, the Suevic
         king Remismund sentenvoys to the Goths, the emperor Anthemius,
         and the Vandals. 130  Atthe commencementof his reign, Remismund had
         been supported by Theoderic II, now killed by Euric; he was rightly
         concerned about Euric’s intentions on Spain. His dispatch of envoys to
         Carthage indicates Braga’s need to determine the position of the main
         players in the western Mediterranean in the face of the sudden change at
         Toulouse.
           Hydatius preserves the only record of a further embassy to the Vandals.
         In 464,the comes et magister utriusque militiae per Gallias Aegidius sent
         envoys to Geiseric. 131  Aegidius had been incensed atRicimer’s murder
         of the emperor Majorian in 461. Retaining his military command in
         Gaul butrefusing to recognise Ricimer’s puppetemperor Libius Severus,
         Aegidius threatened to attack Italy and overthrow Ricimer. To gain the
         support of the Goths against Aegidius and to block his path to Italy,
         Ricimer condoned the ceding of Narbonne to Theoderic II. Thereafter
         Aegidius was occupied fighting the Goths, winning a major battle at
         Orl´ eans in 463. 132  The following year Aegidius sentenvoys to Geiseric,
         doubtless to seek Vandal support against the Goths or Ricimer or both.
         The envoys sailed per Oceanum, along the Atlantic coast, avoiding hostile
         territories under imperial or Gothic control. 133  Leaving in May, they did
         not return until the end of summer; Aegidius must not have anticipated
         coordinated action with the Vandals until the following year. It never
         occurred, for he was murdered later that year. 134
           How did Hydatius learn of this maritime embassy? It is unlikely that
         the legation landed at Gallaecia on its way. 135  Remismund had justbeen
         installed as king of the Sueves through the influence of Theoderic II
         and with the help of a Gothic army. Envoys of Aegidius would have been


           above) in 445, some four years after the Suevic occupation of Baetica; Hyd., c. 131 [123]. Suevic
           loss of Baetica: presumably during the assault of Theoderic II on Gallaecia 456/7, though it is
           possible that the Sueves retained control of the south of Spain until the Gothic expeditions of
           458.
         130              131
           Table 1 nos. 36–8.  Table 1 no. 27.
         132
           On Aegidius: Priscus, Fr., 39.1; Hyd., cc. 217, 218, 228 [212, 214, 224]; Marius of Avenches,
           Chron., s.a. 463; Chron. Gall. 511,c. 638; Gregory of Tours, Hist. ii, 12, 18, 27; Stein i, 378–9,
           381–2; Clover, ‘Geiseric the Statesman’, 182–4; PLRE ii, 11–13.
         133
           This is the only occasion on which Hydatius specified the route or duration of an embassy. The
           sea-route from northern Europe to the Mediterranean was also used by Heruli pirates; Hyd., c.
           194 [189]. Cf. Gregory of Tours, Hist. viii, 35 (ships from Gaul to Gallaecia attacked by orders
           of Gothic king Leuvigild of Spain).
         134
           Hyd., c. 228 [224].
         135
           Cf. Thompson, Romans and Barbarians, 172; Muhlberger, Fifth-Century Chroniclers, 310.
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