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LIMITED-EFFECTS
                                                                            MODEL
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                 2.  Identification,  which means that the plaintiff  is clearly  identified.  This can be by use
                   of  the name or a picture or a verbal description.
                 3.  Defamation,  which means that the material in question indicates the identified person
                   did  something illegal  or immoral or contrary to the  standards  of the community.
                   Technically,  a plaintiff  must  also prove  fault  and harm. However,  fault  is not
                 really  an  issue  because  libel  results  from  the  deliberate  act  of  publishing,  and
                 harm  is  presumed  to result  from  any  libel.
                   Libel  suits  are  civil  cases,  and  winners  collect  monetary  damages.  A  series
                 of  Supreme  Court  cases  beginning  with New  York  Times v. Sullivan  (367 U.S.
                 254)  established  that  a public  official  or public figure must prove  actual  malice
                 or  reckless  disregard  of  the  truth  to  win  a  libel  suit.  If  the  public  official  or
                 public figure can prove  this, he  or  she can  collect punitive  damages, which  run
                 into  six  or  seven  figures.

                 SOURCE: Dwight  L.  Teeter,  Jr.,  and  Don  R.  LeDuc, Law of Mass  Communications,
                 eighth edition, 1995.
                                                                 Guido H.  Stempel HI

                 LIMITED-EFFECTS     MODEL.  Early  mass  communication  research  showed
                 what  came  to  be  termed  limited  effects.  A  frequent  finding  was  that  commu-
                 nication  increased  information  but  did  not  change  attitudes.  This  perplexed  re-
                 searchers  of  a  half  century  ago  so  much  that  there  were journal  articles  about
                 why  information  campaigns  did  not  change  attitudes.
                   More  recent  research  has  modified  the  model.  Perhaps  the  groundbreaking
                 study  was by Dorothy  Douglas, Bruce Westley,  and  Steven  Chaffee  in Wiscon-
                 sin. They  found  that  attitudes  about  mental  retardation  could be changed  by  an
                 information  campaign. They  concluded  this was possible because the topic does
                 not invoke deep-seated personal values and is not controversial. The researchers
                 conceded  that  the  same  results  probably  would  not  have  been  obtained  if  the
                 topic  had  been  sex  education  or  water  fluoridation.
                   So, while  an information  campaign  will not change everybody's  attitude, and
                 while  information  campaigns  will  work  better  on  some  topics  than  on  others,
                 they  can  and  do  work  under  the  right  conditions.
                 SOURCES: Dorothy  F.  Douglas,  Bruce  H.  Westley,  and  Steven  H.  Chaffee,  "An  In-
                 formation  Campaign  That  Changed  Attitudes,"  Journalism  Quarterly,  Autumn  1970;
                 Werner J.  Severin  and James W. Tankard, Jr., Communication  Theories,  fourth  edition,
                  1997.
                                                                 Guido H.  Stempel  III

                 LIPPMANN,   WALTER    (1889-1974)  was  one  of  the first political  columnists
                 and  was  believed  by  many  to  have  been  the  best.  But  more  important  for  the
                 field of  political  communication,  he  was  the  author  of  Public  Opinion in  1922.
                 It remains the classic statement,  and some would date the beginning  of the study
                 of  political  communication  from  this  book.
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