Page 20 - Information and American Democracy Technology in the Evolution of Political Power
P. 20

P1: FpQ/IPH/GYQ
                                          August 14, 2002
                            CY101-Bimber
                                                         17:40
   CY101-01
              0 521 80067 6
                            Information and Political Change
              become a part of the American political process, organizations must be
              formed, advocates must be trained, and the material resources needed to
                                                                     1
              gain the attention of national policy-makers must be gathered.” Some
              scholars have likened this process to the requirements of formal business
              enterprise, observing that internal features of groups as organizations are
              typically the strongest predictors of their success at recruiting and mo-
              bilizing citizens behind issues and succeeding with political demands. 2
                Yet in the FDIC case, as in others that took place in 1999, little such
              organizational infrastructure is found. No powerful interest group or
              public lobby with hundreds of thousands of members had mobilized
              citizens. No deep pockets had funded the effort. No political consultants
              ormediaadvisorshadorchestratedpublicrelationsandthemediaangles.
              No candidate or public official had drawn attention to the regulatory
              proposal. Neither the Republican nor Democratic party organizations
              hadworkedtheissue.Virtuallynoneoftheingredientsofcollectiveaction
              that social science theory suggests should lie behind citizen-based policy
              advocacy was present.
                Instead,aperipheralgroupinAmericanpolitics,theLibertarianParty,
              initiated the protest against the FDIC’s regulations – a group never be-
              fore able to marshal national-level resources for an advocacy effort of this
              size. Like most American “third parties,” the Libertarians are habitually
              constrained by the interdependent limitations of a small membership,
              few financial resources, and a system of electoral rules oriented toward
              two-party competition. Instead of using traditional organizational in-
              frastructure, which it sorely lacks, the party relied almost exclusively on
              information infrastructure. Its leaders used the Internet to identify in-
              terested citizens, distribute information, and solicit participation in the
              protest. Starting with a small list of active party members, the initiators of
              the effort began a process of information exchange and communication
              about the pending policy change. That flow of information expanded
              geometrically, spreading quickly far beyond the party’s membership and
              sphere of influence. The aggressiveness and extent of the Internet-based
              campaign – not the clout of the Libertarians themselves – successfully
              signaled to agency officials as well as to legislators that banking privacy


              1
               Jack L. Walker, Mobilizing Interest Groups in America: Patrons, Professions, and Social
               Movements (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1991), p. 94.
              2
               Paul E. Johnson, “Interest Group Recruiting: Finding Members and Keeping Them,” in
               Allan J. Cigler and Burdett A. Loomis, eds., Interest Group Politics, 5th ed. (Washington,
               D.C.:CQPress,1998),pp.35–62;TerryM.Moe, TheOrganizationofInterests (Chicago:
               University of Chicago Press, 1980).

                                            3
   15   16   17   18   19   20   21   22   23   24   25