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Practice  139

             by literate men. Coining such phrases as “lived religion” (Hall 1997) and
             “domestic  religion”  (Sered),  scholars  of  a  wide  variety  of  religions  have
             gravitated to the concept of practice as a tool for not simply developing
             a new analytic approach to their data, but for instigating an intervention
             that would reshape what counted as legitimate sources, methodologies, and
             topics in the study of religion more generally (Lopez 1999; Maffly-Kipp et
             al. 2006; Hoover and Clark 2002).
               An early contributor to the concept of practice was Karl Marx, whose
             notion  of  “praxis”  sought  to  bring  together  thought  and  action  at  two
             levels.   Defining  practice  as  “sensuous,  human  activity”  (McLellan  1977:
                  1
             156) that was the ground of thought, social relations, and change, Marx
             argued that any analysis of human activity needed to place it in the context
             of  social  relations  that  were  deeply  conditioned  not  just  by  ideas  but  by
             material  conditions.  Under  capitalism,  Marx  argued,  whichever  group  of
             people  (or  class)  controlled  the  making  and  selling  of  commodities  had
             substantial power over those who did not have such resources (or capital).
             At the same time, the dominated classes maintained some power based in
             their own labor—or more broadly, their own practices. Arguing against an
             intellectualist view of history that saw ideas as the primary motor of social
             change, Marx asserted that “social productive forces are produced not only
             in the form of knowledge but also as the direct organs of social practice; of
             the real life process” (McLellan 1977: 381; italics added). Religion, according
             to Marx, grew out of and mirrored the social practices of human beings: “All
             social life is essentially practical. All mysteries which lead theory to mysticism
             find their rational solution in human practice and in the comprehension of
             this  practice”  (157).  Practice—sensuous  human  activity—was  the  starting
             point  of  all  critical  analysis  for  Marx  and,  more  specifically,  the  starting
             point for critically analyzing religion in particular. 2
               Marx argued that praxis was not simply a conceptual tool meant to clarify
             the  social  world  around  us,  and  he  charged  social  critics  with  their  own
             fusion of thought and action—“the philosophers have only interpreted the
             world, in various ways; the point is to change it” (McLellan 1977: 158).
             The prescriptive, activist flavor to Marx’s praxis shaped the later concept
             of practice, which held the promise of bringing to scholarly attention the
             lives of those ignored by traditional scholarship and thereby contributing
             to the transformation of the social structures and practices that colluded in
             their oppression. In media studies, the legacy of Marx’s practice has been
             especially fruitful for scholars analyzing the ways in which various forms
             of media—whether advertising, entertainment, or state-run broadcasting—
             have shaped and been shaped by the material conditions of capitalism (e.g.
             Lears 1994; McClintock 1995). Taking a page from these studies, analyses
             of  religion  and  media  could  benefit  from  more  attention  to  the  material
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