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152  Joyce Smith

               Dismayed by young Indians’ ignorance of their own culture, Anant Pai
             in  1967  created  what  became  Amar  Chitra  Katha  (immortal  illustrated
             story), a series of comic books telling epic stories from various religious and
             eventually secular traditions. The series begins with Krishna but includes
             everyone from Sai Baba to Kalpana Chawla, who died aboard the space
             shuttle Columbia.
               Pai chose to educate the young of post-independence India by translating
             “5,000 years of India’s mythology, history, legend—the very soul of Indian
             culture—packed into volumes of 32 colourful pages” (India Book House as
             cited by Pritchett; Pritchett 1995: 81). But he also maintained a policy of
             “satyam bruyāt priyam bruyāt”: loosely, tell the truth but only the positive
             elements  (Hawley  1995:  115).  Following  the  gore  of  Partition,  it  is  not
             surprising that Pai should want to integrate religious publics, which according
             to Hawley he does in ways both obvious (depicting historically impossible
             meetings between the saints [Hawley 1995: 115]) and subtle (illustrations
             can  suggest  one  tradition,  while  text  communicates  another  [Hawley
             1995: 128]). However, with success came increased tension: “sales versus
             educational values; scholarly accuracy versus the need to appease particular
             interest groups; a commitment to Indian history versus a commitment to
             national integration” (Pritchett 1995: 81).
               Some  stories  are  proposed  by  community  representatives  eager  to
             have their tales join the Amar Chitra Katha canon. With this interaction,
             Hawley suggests that the comic books become “a quasi-public institution”
             (Hawley 1995: 129). “The March to Freedom” series, created after a request
             by the Indian National Congress, is perhaps the most remarkable (Hawley
             1995: 130).
               Sometimes it is journalists who attempt to neutralize differences between
             religious  publics  in  the  professed  interest  of  the  the  public.  In  Canadian
             reporting,  there  is  a  curious  prevalence  of  Canadians  of  Indian  ethnicity
             being described as “Indo-Canadian” at some points and “Sikh” or “Hindu”
             at others. I suggest the Indo-Canadian (and occasionally South Asian) label is
             applied when a journalist is fearful of equating a specific religious public with
             a  particularly  unsavory  event.  Headlines  such  as  “Indo-Canadian  mother
             killed in Surrey” (CBC News 2007) continued to appear after three women
             of Sikh descent were killed and another shot in the face in a space of four
             months in British Columbia. It would appear that the hyphenated ethnic
             identity is seen as being more acceptable than a religious one (i.e., Sikh-
             Canadian). This could well be in response to claims of anti-Sikh coverage
             leveled at news sources over the coverage of the 1985 Air India Flight 182
             bombing and subsequent trial.
               Patricia Spyer describes reporting in post-Suharto Indonesia wherein the
             identification of victims and aggressors as Muslim or Christian was suppressed
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