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154  Joyce Smith

               Islamism  (islamisme)  has  become  a  usefully  ambiguous  term  for  some
               French social scientists and journalists. It is used to refer to movements
               that  advocate  creating  Islamic  states  as  well  as  to  those  that  merely
               promote public manifestations of Islam. What both references share is a
               negative feature, the denial of a European notion that religion properly
               belongs in the private sphere. The ambiguity permits writers to draw on
               fears of totalitarian Islamist regimes abroad in order to condemn French
               Muslim associations that advocate a public presence for Islam in France.
                                                             (Bowen 2007: 156)


               Later, Bowen makes the problem of defining the public clear: “Islamism
             is  global  and  transnational,  and  thus  particularly  ill-equipped  to  become
             citoyen” (Bowen 2007: 188).
               One gets the sense from Bowen that other publics exist only to define
             and  defend  the  Republic  (the  French  version  of  Marty’s  the  the  public).
             Arguments that succeeded in extricating the Catholic church from the public
             sphere (especially in terms of women’s liberation) are now employed in the
             Islamisme  debate  (Bowen  2007:  221).  Particularly  in  periods  of  the  (re)
             establishment of national identity, a government may use religious publics to
             legitimize and popularize their regime (cf. Chen 2007: 183). Much of this
             is done via symbols made visible in mass media: for example, a broadcast
             of  Russian  president  Vladimir  Putin  attending  a  service  at  St.  Basil’s
             Cathedral. The visual element of a newscast (especially if only a backdrop
             to commentary) does not require the actor to provide a justification for his
             actions. The fact that the secular leader is doing something (lighting a candle
             during a Russian Orthodox service) is enough to suggest approval from the
             religious public and, in turn, grants the religious public legitimacy in the the
             public (The Associated Press 2004).
               Finally, religious publics have been known to conduct their internal soul
             searching  not  only  in  but  through  the  press.  Consider  the  recognition  of
             homosexuals  by  Anglican  provinces.  The  differences  in  opinion  between
             members of the global Anglican public play out in news media (notably the
             struggles between African and American bishops), but so too do the rifts
             within local communities, as evidenced by “sniping” via letters to the editor
             rather than, as Nicholas Adams puts it, “debat(ing) patiently and charitably
             in synod” (Adams 2006: 21). The group most ably translating its argument
             for the public sphere may gain enough support from the the public to prevail,
             regardless of the merits of its theological case.
               Occasionally the search for a solution to an internal religious problem
             finds its way back into the the public. James Kelly traces the phrase “common
             ground” to its origins in a piece published December 26, 1989 in the St. Louis
             Dispatch titled: “Common Ground on Abortion.” In it, Andrew Puzder, a
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