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182  Dorothea E. Schulz

             with  superhuman,  divine  powers.  Whereas  fanga  denotes  the  capacity  to
             affect and transform the world through the use of sheer force, se refers to the
             invisible powers mobilized in the course of turning (unspoken, sometimes
             written)  words  into  voiced,  forceful  speech  (kuma;  e.g.,  Zahan  1963).
             Worldly domination, religious intellectual authority, and the power of speech
             thus refer to complementary, not always neatly divided, realms of knowledge/
             power (e.g., Wright 1989; Schulz 2001). By virtue of its “touching” effects,
             voice (kan) mobilizes a listener’s existential, sensual, cognitive, and ethical
             capacities by moving her or him from stillness and immobility to action and
             the performance of exemplary “deeds” (kewale).
               In  recognition  of  the  powers  of  voice  and  speech,  people’s  attitude
             toward  the  spoken  word  is  highly  ambivalent.  Human  speech  is  held
             to have an enormous potential to effect transformation by affecting the
             human senses. Because speech has such indeterminate effects, people who
             are associated with speech are treated with ambivalent feelings of distrust,
             reverence, and disdain because their act of transforming silence into speech
             releases  the  damaging  forces  of  untruth,  delusion,  and  human  betrayal
             (e.g., Diawara 2003).
               Among Muslims, the ambivalence toward the transformative potential of
             speech has been historically reflected in a “double-edged” appreciation of
             the moralizing activities of women, as opposed to that of male preachers.
             Those elite Muslim women, who were highly valued, convinced through
             pious  comportment  and  the  “truthfulness”  of  their  moral  lessons,  a
             truthfulness assessed in terms of the capacity of their “warm,” “piercing,”
             and simultaneously “restrained” voice to affect their disciples’ hearts. This
             moving capacity of their voice was contrasted to the “loud” and “shameless”
             speech  of  professional  orators  whose  words  could  affect  listeners  against
             their will. Still, these female Muslim “educators” were urged not to circulate
             their  moral  lessons  beyond  the  confines  of  the  women-only  educational
             settings. The sermons of male preachers, conversely, whose truthfulness was
             assessed primarily in terms of argument and oratorical skills, were expected
             to circulate in a wider, public setting and affect male and female listeners,
             even if in separate listening contexts. Conventional understandings of the
             “compelling” force of moral lessons offered by female teachers as opposed
             to male preachers thus revealed a gender-specific regime of authenticating
             “truthful” and proper speech.
               How  does  this  culturally  specific  conceptualization  of  the  power  of
             speech and of the moving qualities of voice reverberate in the ways in which
             religious  authority  is  asserted  and  validated  in  the  interaction  between
             individual  religious  leaders  and  their  followers?  Do  these  modalities  of
             mediating spiritual experience and of validating religious authority continue
             to  be  gender-specific?  And  how  do  audio  reproduction  technologies,  as
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