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Introduction  7

             in which media take a part. This allows him to direct attention to media
             as  forms  of  emancipation  no  less  than  as  tools  of  oppression  and  social
             control. Media operate as a site in which different agents, communities, and
             institutions  interact.  In  the  utopian  terms  of  Marxist  liberation  theology,
             Martín-Barbero speaks of this entire process as the “resacralization” of a
             world secularized by modernity. “I am suggesting,” he writes in a later essay,
             “that we should look for the processes of re-enchantment in the continuing
             experience of ritual in communitarian celebration and in the other ways that
             the media bring people together” (Martín-Barbero 1997: 108).
               This is very much the direction in which a great deal of study has gone
             since the 1990s. The media are not delivery devices but the generation of
             experiences, forms of shared consciousness, communion, or community that
             allow people to assemble meanings that articulate and extend their relations
             to one another (Shepherd and Rothenbuhler 2001). In fact, this is the way
             in  which  media  have  always  performed,  but  now  their  operation  is  not
             controlled or interpreted by religious organizations but studied as cultural
             phenomena by social analysts.
               Though  Geertz’s  definition  of  religion  was  the  most  widely  cited  and
             affirmed approach to the humanistic study of religion in the last quarter
             of  the  twentieth  century,  it  has  attracted  a  number  of  critiques,  some  of
             which are quite important to consider for their implications for the study of
             media and religion. One of these is an essay by Talal Asad in his Genealogies
             of  Religion  (1993),  in  which  he  argues  that  the  search  for  an  essence  of
             religion  leads  to  its  insulation  as  a  cultural  phenomenon  from  its  actual
             formation within the social, economic, and political domains of power (Asad
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             1993: 27–54).  Geertz’s notion of religion as a cultural system, he claims,
             promotes this isolation of religion as a self-contained, autonomous domain
             of human activity. The quest for a single, universal definition of religion
             can only ignore the social and historical aspects of human experience and
             does so, Asad argues, in response to the liberal Christian anxiety about the
             crisis of biblical authority. With the edifice of the Christian faith straining
             under the attack of historical-critical methods of studying the sacred text,
             formerly  understood  to  be  fully  inspired  by  the  deity  and  therefore  the
             only true religion, Victorian thinkers reasoned that Christianity need not
             be undermined by scholarship nor bothered by its faulty claim to exclusive
             truth if the focus of study were not its truth but the way in which all religions
             responded to the core or essence of religion as most Europeans felt it was
             most perfectly manifest in Christianity. This allowed them to organize all
             religions in various taxonomies, usually organized chronologically and with
             the help of a progressive march from the primitive toward the monotheistic.
             Beliefs  became  the  focus  of  the  anthropological  study  of  religion  in  the
             nineteenth century as local variations on a universal essence. Geertz, Asad
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