Page 26 - Key Words in Religion Media and Culture
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Introduction  9

             within the bounds of a medium, which condenses time, combines distinct
             perspectives, expands the experience of presence, and fuses a diversity of
             contents into a singular field of vision, fashioning a coherent narrative that
             brings  the  event  to  the  viewer.  Such  live  events  as  the  funerals  of  world
             leaders, presidential inaugurations, papal elections, state ceremonies, or the
             Olympic  Games  are  retold  as  “a  primordial  story  about  current  affairs,”
             resulting in mediated events “that hang a halo over the television set and
             transform the viewing experience” (ibid.). Media events are fashioned from
             ritual occasions and therefore exhibit several features: they are live and they
             are  “presented  with  reverence  and  ceremony”  (336).  The  awe  and  aura
             endow the events with a rhetorical stature that invites a reverent response
             from  viewers  and  presumes  to  address  them  in  the  uniform  and  heady
             tropes of nation, polis, people, world, Christendom, humanity, and so forth,
             seamlessly extending the bounds of community to the mediated space of the
             televised rite. Though Dayan and Katz have been criticized for endorsing a
             myth of the center, a center that does not in fact exist, the criticism fails to
             recognize the power of myth. States, nations, and peoples commonly rely on
             such a story to cast a spell of unity, to generate a magnetic field that enables
             a polity to celebrate its coherence, its imagined community. 11
               A group of media researchers examining and comparing media uses in
             several  demographically  different  American  homes  has  shown  that  some
             groups within American society imagine themselves “at the heart” of the
             culture, whereas others perceive themselves as off-center or at the periphery,
             which they believe is a better place to be (Hoover et al. 2004: 103–29 and
             79–101). In both cases, media help them do so. An evangelical Christian
             family selected media for home use that affirmed, in effect, its participation
             in “a new cultural mainstream in U.S. society,” the neoevangelical subculture,
             which often fondly asserts that America is a Christian nation (103). Contrarily,
             American Muslim parents in another case study attempted to secure their
             family’s religious and cultural difference from the American mainstream by
             establishing rules against listening to popular music and strictly limiting the
             amount of time spent each week watching television or playing video and
             computer games. Naturally, the children found ways to break or stretch the
             rules (91).
               The  investigation  of  media  practices  as  formations  of  consciousness
             allows scholars to understand better the many ways in which experiencing
             media structures thought and feeling. This is important for several reasons.
             First, we can learn more about the mentalités or encompassing cognitive and
             aesthetic patterns that media help to construct and maintain by drawing and
             reinforcing definitive boundaries such as inside and outside, us and them,
             center  and  periphery,  top  and  bottom,  frontline  and  rearguard,  first  and
             last,  old  and  new.  These  structures  confer  fundamental  aspects  of  social
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