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48  Johanna Sumiala

             order of representation may change the narrative, which again affects the
             associations established around the story.
               The third dimension of circulation has to do with relationships established
             among individuals. There are two paths to follow here: relationships between
             spectators and the tortured men pictured in the images and relationships
             among individuals, who are looking at the tortured in the images. Common
             to both categories of relationships is that they are established in conditions
             that are not very much tied to the parameters of time, place, or territory.
             Instead,  spectators  living  in  diverse  locations  and  cultures  are  invited  to
             connect with these images and with one another in “a complex mosaic of
             differently  sized  overlapping  and  interconnected  public  spheres”  (Keane
             1995: 8 in van Dijk 1999: 165).


             Circulating gaze

             The spectator’s ability to establish a relationship with the tortured is always
             tied to the fact of what is put on view; in other words, what is circulated
             and disseminated to the public (see also Boltanski 1999: 128). It is also tied
             to the ways and practices of looking at the images (Sturken and Cartwright
             2005); in this case, especially the ways of looking at the images of torture
             (see e.g., Seaton 2005; Chouliaraki 2006). Drawing on David Morgan and
             many other scholars of visual culture, I approach the practice of looking by
             applying the idea of the gaze (see e.g., Morgan 2005; 2007a; Brennan and
             Jay 1996; Bryson 1983). The gaze is understood here as a visual field—a
             network in itself —that constitutes a social act of looking (Morgan 2005: 3).
             According to Morgan, several elements are included in this field: a viewer, a
             fellow viewer, the subject of viewing, the context of the subject viewed, and
             the rules that govern the particular relationship between viewers and viewed.
             This means that gaze activates certain possibilities of meaning, certain forms
             of experiences, and—most important—certain relations among participants
             of the visual event. It is the gaze that relates the one seeing and the one to be
             seen, conventions and structures of seeing to physical, historical, and ritual
             contexts of seeing (Morgan 2005: 3–4; see also Seppänen 2005).
               In the case of the AG images, this means that different gazes are constructed
             depending on a spectator’s historical, cultural, political, ethnic, religious, and
             social background; emotional involvement; condition of looking, whether
             he or she is looking at the images in private or in public space, alone, or
             with other people, what kind of media he or she is using; the structure and
             convention of looking, how he or she approaches the images as a genre of
             news, information, entertainment, propaganda, spectacle, harassment. The
             type of gaze can vary greatly; there can be an emphatic gaze, a sympathetic
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