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Culture  71

             Enlightenment  history  in  what  Jeremy  Stolow  calls  a  “powerful  myth
             about social modernization,” one that credits print media especially with
             the  “disembedding  of  religion  from  public  life  and  its  relocation  within
             the private walls of bourgeois domesticity, or the interior, silent universe
             of  individual  readers”  (Stolow  2005:  122).  Hoover  has  written  that  this
             historical  moment  has  given  way,  empirically,  to  a  world  wherein  media
             and religion are drawing ever nearer in terms of functions: “[T]hey occupy
             the same spaces, serve many of the same purposes, and invigorate the same
             practices  in  modernity”  (Hoover  2006:  9;  see  also  Hoover  and  Clark
             2002: 3).
               Regardless  of  whether  one  invests  in  this  version  of  the  historical
             Enlightenment rearrangement of culture, there remains the problem of the
             implicit theory grounding such dualistic approaches as analysis. Stolow links
             this powerful “myth” of Enlightenment culture to Jürgen Habermas’s work
             on the public sphere and rightly reminds us that, though the secularization
             thesis that religion will gradually disappear before various aspects of modern
             rationality  has  lost  its  explanatory  cachet,  its  corollary—that  modern
             media are inevitably agents of secularization—still carries on. In the zero-
             sum game notion that mass media compromised and diluted religion, we
             see religion privileged as an ideal matter of belief, paralleling the notion of
             “culture” as mental, meaningful, circulation of ideas. The implicit theoretical
             underpinning at work is a Parsonian isolation of culture (as meaning) from
             society (as function; Parsons 1966). Thus, it is not obvious that a recognition
             of the empirical shift in the relations of religion and media as domains of
             social  life  that  increasingly  interpenetrate  in  the  world  (Hoover’s  point,
             and well taken) will automatically push forward new theorization past this
             notion of culture-as-meaning.
               In  fact,  James  Carey’s  famous  critique  of  1975  staged  an  early  inter-
             vention  that,  though  pioneering  for  its  time,  called  for  exactly  such
             inclusion of the dimension of meaning. He rightly accused communications
             theory of reproducing an account that was strictly functionalist, what he
             called  a  “transmission”  view  of  communication:  individualist,  utilitarian,
             instrumental. In his prescient article “Communication as Culture,” Carey
             proposed  instead  that  communication  should  be  seen  anew  in  a  “ritual”
             mode, one that privileges “symbolic” production. In considering modes of
             theorizing culture relevant to our studies in religion and media, I begin from
             that point, a moment indebted—as Carey himself notes—to Clifford Geertz
             and an earlier version of cultural anthropology that emphasized culture as
             meaning (1975: 35).
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