Page 124 - Living Room Wars Rethinking Media Audiences for a Postmodern World
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Cultural studies, media reception and the transnational media system       115
        say that while the theses underlying the ethnography of audiences have been extremely
        enabling for cultural studies  (e.g.  that  consumers are not ‘cultural dopes’, but critical
        users of mass culture), she is now worried about ‘the sheer proliferation of the
        restatements’, which threaten to lead to ‘the emergence […] of a restrictive definition of
        the ideal knowing subject of cultural studies’ (ibid.).
           Translated freely, the problem  signalled  by Morris is as follows. The ethnographic
        perspective on audiences has led to a boom in isolated studies of the ways in which this
        or that audience group actively produces specific meanings and pleasures out of this or
        that text, genre or medium. However, while the positivist would be pleased with such an
        accumulation of empirical verifications (and elaborations) of a central hypothesis, it is
        not adequate for purposes of open-ended cultural critique. On the contrary, self-indulgent
        ‘replications’ of the same research ‘design’ would run the danger of merely producing an
        ever  more  absolute formal Truth, an  empty, abstract, and ultimately impotent
        generalization that could run like this: ‘[P]eople  in  modern mediatised societies are
        complex and contradictory, mass cultural texts are complex and contradictory, therefore
        people using them produce complex and contradictory culture’ (Morris 1988a:22).
           Although audience ethnographies have certainly enhanced and  transformed  our
        understanding of media audiences, I do take Morris’s concerns to heart. For purposes of
        cultural critique, validating audience experience or ‘taking the side of the audience’ alone
        is not enough. In this sense, the term ‘reception’ itself bears some limitations because,
        stemming from the linear transmission model of communication (Carey 1989), it tempts
        us  to foreground the spatial/temporal moment of direct contact between media and
        audience members, and thus to isolate and reify that moment as the instance that merits
        empirical examination. A more thoroughly  cultural approach to reception, however,
        would  not stop at this pseudo-intimate moment of the text/audience encounter, but
        address the differentiated meanings and significance  of specific reception patterns in
        articulating more general cultural negotiations and  contestations. The conflict-ridden
        reception of Salman Rushdie’s novel The Satanic Verses would be a tragic case in point
        here. This case shows how the clash between different interpretive communities can form
        a nodal point where complicated political tensions, ideological dilemmas and economic
        pressures (e.g. relating to the publishing industry) find their expression in ways which
        have worldwide consequences (Asad 1990).  This admittedly extraordinary example
        suggests the importance of not reducing reception to an  individualized,  essentially
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        psychological process, but to conceptualize it as a deeply politicized, cultural one.
           To avoid the ‘banality’ in cultural  studies that Morris points to, then, qualitative
        reception analysis needs to be placed in a broader theoretical framework, so that it ceases
        to be just a sophisticated form of empirical audience research, but becomes part of a more
        encompassing understanding, both structural and historical, of our contemporary cultural
        condition  and  the  place of the media in it. In other words, what we need is more
        ethnographic work not on discrete audience groups, but on  media consumption as  an
        integral part of popular cultural practices, articulating both ‘subjective’ and ‘objective’,
        both ‘micro’ and ‘macro’ processes. That is to say, media consumption can be seen as
        one site of ‘the complex and contradictory terrain, the multidimensional context, within
        which people live out their everyday lives’ (Grossberg 1988a:25). At the same time, it is
        in this very living out of their everyday lives that people are inscribed into large-scale
        structural and historical relations of force which are not of their own making. I will have
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