Page 27 - Living Room Wars Rethinking Media Audiences for a Postmodern World
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Living room wars       18
        try to show that televisual discourse constructs a variety of types  of  involvement  for
        viewers; in the second part, I shall illustrate how this heterogeneity of positionings has
        functioned socially and culturally in the history of Dutch television. However, much of
        what I am to say will not be more than (theoretically informed) speculation, which will
        need further refinement.



               THE TELEVISION INSTITUTION AND HETEROGENEITY OF
                                        ADDRESS

        An institutional approach will serve as a starting point. I use the term ‘institutional’ in its
        comprehensive meaning, as applied, for example,  by Christian Metz in relation to
        cinema: ‘The cinematic institution is not just the cinema industry […] it is also the mental
        machinery […] which spectators “accustomed to cinema” have internalised historically
        and which has adapted them to the consumption of films’ (1975:18–19). Although this
        formulation remains caught within the well-known semiological framework in so far as
        the position of the spectator/audience is  only  dealt with as a discursive/institutional
        effect, such a starting point has the advantage that it analyses  cinema-as-such  as  a
        distinctive system of representation, to which people are ‘drawn’ in peculiar ways. An
        analogous argument may be applied to television. It enables us to move away from the
        isolated text towards an analysis of the ways in which television-as-such, as a discursive
        system, addresses and ‘interpellates’ people as potential viewers.
           More precisely, an institutional approach opens up the possibility of reflecting on how
        the contextual is already structurally implied in the textual. That is to say, the structures
        within which televisual discourse is produced necessarily create an environment within
        which  a  certain type of consumer activity is assumed and ‘propagated’. Thus, the
        production of texts and the organization of a general context of consumption are closely
        interlinked. Again, Metz has given an imaginative description of the problem concerned
        (although I will not follow his psychoanalytic colouring  of  the picture here). Thus he
        writes about the task set to the cinematic institution:

              In a social system in which the spectator is not forced physically to go to
              the cinema but in which it is still important that he should go so that the
              money he pays for his admission makes it possible to shoot other films
              and thus ensures the auto-reproduction  of  the institution—and it is the
              specific characteristic of every true institution that it takes charge of the
              mechanisms of its own perpetuation—there is no other solution than to set
              up arrangements whose aim and effect is to give  the  spectator  the
              ‘spontaneous’ desire to visit the cinema and pay for his ticket.
                                                              (Metz 1975:19)

        Applied to television, then, the question  can be formulated as follows: how does
        television as an institution succeed in making people buy TV sets and in making the idea
        of watching television seem attractive? Which strategies has  it  developed to persuade
        people to become members of the TV audience? It might be useful here to bear in mind
        that television has tended to be very successful in completing this ‘mission’, in making its
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