Page 123 - Mass Media, Mass Propoganda Examining American News in the War on Terror
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Railing Iraqi Resistance              113

              the Defense Alternatives report, "are  nationalism, the coercive practices of the
              occupation, and the collateral effects of military operations."
                  The substantive difference between  explanations for the motives of Iraqi
              resistance, as seen in corporate reporting and Independent-Left sources, reveals
              much about the ideologies driving those sources. Many anti-war activists and
              media figures take the view that resistance to the U.S. is needed to ensure Iraq's
              independence. Defending a continued opposition to the U.S., Laith Said of A1
              Jazeera focuses on the Iraqi people's  disillusionment with foreign occupation,
              specifically the people of Falluja: "If  there is no seeming end to the American-
              led occupation, then why should there be an end to the resistance? Needless to
              say,  many  of  the  residents  [of Falluja],  including teenagers, who  have  been
              robbed of normalcy, will join  the resistance, not  out of hatred or zealotry, but
              simply to eject the disruptive American presence and restore normalcy in their
              own


                            Anti-Occupation Resistance Examined

              Contrary to pro-occupation media  rhetoric, opinion polls  reveal that  it is the
              American military presence itself, which is disproportionately viewed by Iraqis
              as the primary threat to their country's national security. Tens of thousands of
              Iraqis have protested the American presence in their country, a strong indicator
              of the strong opposition to the u.s.6'  At the same time, rebellious groups seem
              to have gained strength in numbers, according to the Iraqi government. The in-
              terim head of Iraq's intelligence services estimated that there were over 200,000
              "active fighters" and "sympathizers" fighting the U.S. in 2005, 40,000 of which
              were "full-time fighters," and 200,000 of which were "part-time"  fighter^.^' This
              estimate contradicts the "dead ender" figures presented by the Bush administra-
              tion and repeated in the mass media of only 5,000 to 20,000 rebel fightersf9
                  It is revealing to review the opinions of the Iraqi people concerning the role
              not only of armed resistance, but that of the U.S. occupation in its alleged efforts
              to establish Iraqi sovereignty and independence. What limited polling that has
              been done reveals largely the opposite of what the American mass media has
              told the American public about the humanitarian nature of the U.S. occupation.
              Such polling also raises interesting questions about the level of legitimacy  The
              claims of Fareed Zakaria and others that A1 Sadr's resistance is not supported by
              the public, the argument that "the insurgency7' is spearheaded by Saddam loyal-
              ists, and the theory that foreign terrorists play a leadership role in the Iraqi rebel-
              lion-all   of these claims are thrown into question when reviewing Iraqi public
              opinion. Consider one Associated Press published poll conducted in mid-2004
              throughout Baghdad, Basra, Mosul, Hillah, Diwaniyah, and Baqubah. Its find-
              ings question, point by point, the claims made in the American media about the
              importance of the U.S. presence and the maliciousness of Iraqi resistance:

                      85 percent of the poll's respondents had either little or no confidence in
                  the Coalition Provisional Authority.
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