Page 178 - Mass Media, Mass Propoganda Examining American News in the War on Terror
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168                         Chapter 7

               [of Iraq] must clearly establish that violence will not be a means of political lev-
               erage in a democratizing lraq,'*'  and that Iraq must "establish itself as a democ-
               racy that distributes power among its various communities through ballots rather
               than force.'*3  The Post's  comments were easily on par with such peculiar de-
               mands as those of former Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz that "all
                                                                   Such
               foreigners should stop interfering in the internal affairs of ~ra~.'*~ framing
               suggests that violence only exists if the U.S. is not the party responsible, and
               outside incursion only takes place when the U.S. is not a party to such activities.
               Within this doublethink framework, proponents of the occupation of Iraq rhet-
               orically challenge violence and aggression only when the United States is not
               responsible. The Oceania government of 1984 would have embraced such dou-
               ble standards wholeheartedly.
                  Sometimes the media's  Orwellian doublethink charged anti-war protestors
               with responsibility for the violence in Iraq and for supporting the 911 1 terrorist
               attacks. Take for example, one editorial by William Hawkins of the Washington
               Times, in which he condemned anti-war groups such as ANSWER, Global Ex-
               change, and others. According to Hawkins, ANSWER
                  was  formed to oppose going into Afghanistan to destroy the main  a1 Qaeda
                  base and  the Taliban regime that had  given  it  a home.  In  effect, ANSWER
                  wanted to protect the thugs behind the murder  of  3,000 people in New  York
                  and Washington. This is the same view as the other main sponsor of the Sep-
                  tember 24 [2005 anti-war] rally, the group United for Peace and Justice [UFPI].
               Citing UFPI and other anti-war organizations, Hawkins argued: "These groups
               are not coming to the nation's  capital to promote 'peace.' They are aligned with
              the planet's  most violent despots and killers. Like Mr. Bush, they understand
              what is at stake in Iraq and how important America's  'imperialist' power is to
              world stability and progress. They just  want none of it, preferring a new Dark
              Age where America suffers precipitous decline in isolation and defeat.'*'  Should
              readers take Hawkins' words seriously, they would be left with the impression
              that anti-war protestors somehow support and encourage Al Qaeda's war against
              the U.S.,  even though  many were  calling for the nonviolent apprehension of
              members of the terrorist network. One might also think that protestors are guilty
              of escalating the conflict in Iraq by opposing the necessary steps U.S. leaders
              planned  on taking to  escalate the "pacification"  of Iraqi resistance. Hawkins'
              statements are important in that, along with many other pundits, he situates the
              war in Iraq within the "imperialist" framework of debate, while also dedicated to
              democracy and human rights.
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