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7. MASS MEDIA ATTITUDE CHANGE                                  167

        the persuasive communication. The goal of this cognitive effort is to deter-
        mine if the position advocated has any merit. Not every message received
        from the media is sufficiently interesting or important to think about, and
        not every situation provides the time and opportunity for careful reflec-
        tion. When people are motivated and able to take the central route, they
        carefully appraise the extent to which the communication provides infor-
        mation that is fundamental or central to the true merits of the position
        advocated.
           Of course, the particular kind of information that is perceived central to
        the merits of any particular issue can vary from person to person and
        from situation to situation. For example, when some people think about
        social issues (e.g., capital punishment), religious considerations and argu-
        ments are particularly persuasive, but for others, legalistic arguments
        carry the most weight (Cacioppo, Petty, & Sidera, 1982). Likewise,
        research has shown that when some people evaluate ads for consumer
        products, they are primarily concerned about how usage of the product
        will affect the image that they project; for other people, this dimension is
        unimportant (DeBono & Packer, 1991; Snyder & DeBono, 1989). Dimen-
        sions that are most important will often receive the most scrutiny (Petty &
        Wegener, 1998b; Petty, Wheeler, & Bizer, 2000).
           Research suggests that an important function of the media in the polit-
        ical domain is to make certain political and social issues more salient
        than others (see Iyengar & Kinder, 1987; see also chap. 1). For example, a
        study of magazine stories showed that from the 1960s to the 1990s, sto-
        ries about drug abuse and nutrition increased dramatically, stories about
        communism and desegregation declined, and stories on pollution
        remained about the same (Paisley, 1989). If people come to believe that
        certain issues are more important due to extensive media coverage, it is
        reasonable that these dimensions of judgment will become more central
        in evaluating the merits of political candidates. By giving a problem
        great coverage (e.g., whether the oil crisis or a presidential sex scandal),
        newscasters make that problem readily accessible in the minds of recipi-
        ents, making them more likely to think about that particular problem
        when they judge the “bottom line” on an attitude object (e.g., a president;
        see Sherman, Mackie, & Driscoll, 1990). So, by setting the agenda of what
        is important to evaluate, the media can have important “indirect” effects
        on attitude change. 3


          3 Of course, much of the correlation between media coverage and ratings of issue-
        importance is due to the fact that the media cover issues people already think are important.
        Nevertheless, some research shows that the media coverage can precede public perceptions
        (e.g., MacKuen, 1981), and the mere accessibility of certain issues can cause people to give
        greater weight to them (Sherman et al., 1990).
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