Page 253 - Media Effects Advances in Theory and Research
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242 McLEOD, KOSICKI, McLEOD
More-recent research has tended to concentrate on reflective integra-
tion, particularly on its intrapersonal aspects often called simply reflection.
Reflective integration in its more inclusive measurement mediates news
use impact in its direct effects on political knowledge (Fredin & Kosicki,
1989; Kosicki, Becker, & Fredin, 1994; McLeod, Scheufele, & Moy, 1999;
Sotirovic & McLeod, 2001). Reflection also mediates news in enhancing
traditional forms of participation (McLeod, Scheufele, & Moy, 1999;
McLeod et al. 2001; Sotirovic & McLeod, 2001) as well as participation in
public forums (McLeod, Scheufele, Moy, Horowitz, et al., 1999; McLeod et
al., 2001). Reflection acted as the strongest mediating variable in specify-
ing the indirect effects of 11 antecedent variables on cognitive complexity,
citizen efficacy, and three forms of participation (McLeod et al., 2001).
EFFECTS ON POLITICIANS AND POLICY MAKERS
Media also influence policy makers and the public policy process. But, as
seen earlier, these effects too are unlikely to be simple and direct. We con-
sider several types of effects on public institutions, on politicians, and on
public policy processes.
Protess et al. (1991) considered the effects of investigative reporting on
achieving various civic reforms in areas such as health care, crime, and
housing. Their coalition model of agenda building focuses attention on
the interactions of investigative journalism with government policy mak-
ers, citizens, and interest groups. The effects of investigative reporting are
thus not seen as acting through a mobilization model in which journalists
stir up the citizenry to press their elected officials to work for reforms.
Instead, the coalition model focuses on the interactions of journalists with
a variety of interest groups and public officials to garner public support
for necessary reforms.
Kaniss (1991) examined a variety of press procedures and workways
on reporting of major civic projects such as the $523 million Philadelphia
Convention Center, the most expensive undertaking in the history of the
city. Kaniss argued that fundamental media values—metropolitan pride,
economic self-interest, and a variety of workways—drive the local media
to support such mammoth civic spending projects.
In the legislative arena, the nomination of Judge Robert Bork to the U.S.
Supreme Court provided an unusual focal point for the intersection of
media, interest groups, and legislators. Bork’s nomination was ultimately
rejected by the Senate, but only after one of the most intense information
campaigns in history, notable for its use of formative research (Pertschuk
& Schaetzel, 1989). Regarding more typical legislative activity, Cook
(1989) presented a variety of ways that media influence the legislative