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9. POLITICAL COMMUNICATION EFFECTS 249

fee, 1998; McLeod, Eveland, & Horowitz, 1998). Local media provided
publicity for the program and content for classroom assignments. The
program also reduced knowledge and participation gaps by gender
(McLeod, Eveland, & Horowitz, 1998) and social class (McDevitt & Chaf-
fee, 2000).
What lessons can be learned from the evaluation of these reform pro-
grams involving media? First, programs involving active and reflective
learning have more lasting impact than do those confined to the passive
learning of facts. Civics courses involving expressive activities were more
effective in conveying knowledge (Niemi & Junn, 1998). Service learning
in activities provide knowledge and skills lasting into adulthood
(Youniss, McLellan, & Yates, 1997), particularly where the subject matter
is tied to the field experience and where there is adequate reflection and
evaluation (Niemi, Hepburn, & Chapman, 2000). Second, inducing
change through media use is more likely to be effective when combined
with the development of networks to discuss issues, support participa-
tion, and sustain change. Media use patterns and networks developed
around one issue are apt to carry over and provide the social capital for
citizen action on other issues (Friedland, 2001a). Finally, fundamental
improvement in the quantity and quality of civic life requires not only
change in individual citizens but also the involvement of local associa-
tions and institutions in the community.

EVALUATING DEMOCRATIC STANDARDS FOR
NEWS MEDIA PERFORMANCE

As we mentioned at the outset of this chapter, political communication
research, perhaps more than any other area, cannot ignore normative
questions about how the media “ought” to work. Gurevitch and Blumler
(1990) identified eight normative standards (discussed later) for mass
media systems in democratic societies. As these authors note, the media
often fall far short of these democratic standards. They suggested that
four major obstacles hinder the attainment of these democratic goals.
First, these expectations may themselves conflict, necessitating trade-offs
and compromises. For example, the principle of editorial autonomy may
conflict with providing platforms for advocacy. Second, the dialogue of
elite political communicators is often distanced from the perspectives of
ordinary people, thus limiting the latter’s participation. Third, because
political participation is voluntary in a democratic society, many citizens
may choose to be politically apathetic. Finally, social, political, and eco-
nomic environments may constrain the media’s pursuit of these democra-
tic ideals. These are problems that require closer examination.