Page 261 - Media Effects Advances in Theory and Research

250 McLEOD, KOSICKI, McLEOD

It may be useful to extend Gurevitch and Blumler’s (1990) eight demo-
cratic standards by using knowledge gained from political communica-
tion effects research to discuss problems of media performance and their
possible antecedents and consequences. We consider each standard in
turn, presenting some alleged news performance deficiencies and possi-
ble constraints accounting for these deficiencies. We then suggest possible
individual effects of the alleged deficiencies and what might be their con-
sequences for the political system. In the process, we propose some new
directions for future research.

Surveillance of Relevant Events

Although surveillance of the environment has long been recognized as a
primary function of the press (Lasswell, 1948), the press is not only a sim-
ple conduit of events. News coverage involves selecting a few develop-
ments that are most likely to impinge on the welfare of citizens (Gurevitch
& Blumler, 1990). The many publics in a modern society attach themselves
to issues in quite different ways, and few stories are similarly relevant to
all citizens. Budgetary constraints, grown tighter in recent years, limit the
resources available for news coverage. This increases dependence on offi-
cial sources and presentation as elite versions of events rather than as
problems confronting average citizens. The market structure of media not
only has limited, less “cost-efficient” coverage, but also has shifted news
style to short and entertaining “infotainment.” Network television news
is constrained by shortened sound bites and its rigid “22-minute ration”
of time, with fixed placement of commercials (Gurevitch & Blumler, 1990).
Political learning research seems to confirm the fear that the problems
of media coverage adversely affect audiences. The amount of learning
from television is slight. Large numbers of citizens see news as boring and
politics as disconnected from their lives. System consequences may
include not only a less-informed electorate and low voter turnout but also
campaigns that focus on pseudoevents and personalities rather than
issues (Jamieson, 1992).
A case can be made in defense of media performance, however. The
media present a more-extensive diet of events than most citizens appear
willing to consume. Popkin (1991) argued that people learn from media as
much as they think they need to know, or perhaps as much as they think
they can comprehend. Research techniques may confuse the issue, to the
extent that research showing weak learning effects has used specific “fac-
tual” information as a criterion. This may paint too bleak a picture of citi-
zen awareness and, by implicitly blaming the audience for its lack of
interest, may justify even further shortening and softening of news.
Research has recently broadened the criteria to examine how audiences