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36                                                      ZILLMANN

        tumors.  After the passage of time, however, the threatening imagery
        asserted itself by either elevating or sustaining the created concerns. After
        exposure to the sanitized imagery, the concerns clearly dissipated with
        time. More specifically, the influence of the program featuring sanitized
        images diminished over time, whereas the influence of the program fea-
        turing graphic, threatening images held steady and tended to grow.
           Instead of using visual displays to evoke emotional reactions, Gibson
        and Zillmann (1994) employed vivid verbal descriptions of emotional
        happenings. A newsmagazine report about the crime of carjacking was
        created and manipulated. All versions presented base-rate information
        along with two detailed exemplars of carjackings. Base rates were given
        as percentages of the severity of injury incurred during such crimes, or
        they were suggested verbally in comparative terms. A survey was cited,
        stating that 75% of all carjackings do not involve physical injury to the vic-
        tims, that 21% of the victims get away with minor injuries such as bruises,
        that 3.8% of the victims suffer severe bodily injury such as broken bones
        and major lacerations, and that only an exceedingly small number of vic-
        tims, 0.2%, is getting killed in the course of the commission of the crime.
        The vague verbal parallel to these conditions stated that “most,” “some,”
        “only a few,” or “almost nobody” would come to the harm in question.
        The two exemplars detailed carjackings in one of these four injury condi-
        tions. Focusing on the perception of the risk of getting killed in a carjack-
        ing, the exemplar conditions thus can be arranged from minimal misrep-
        resentation (i.e., two exemplars of no injury, being most consistent with
        75% or “most”) through minor and severe to extreme misrepresentation
        (i.e., two exemplars of fatal outcomes, being most inconsistent with 0.2%
        or “almost nobody”).
           The respondents’ fatality estimates are shown in Fig. 2.3. As can be
        seen, the presence of only two exemplars readily influenced risk percep-
        tion, overpowering the available correct base-rate information. More
        important here, estimates of fatal outcomes of carjackings increased with
        the severity of exemplified bodily harm. To the extent that the exemplars
        that vividly detailed great suffering from severe injury elicited stronger
        emotional reactions than the exemplars describing minor and minimal
        harm, the estimates can be considered to accord with emotional reactivity.
        Stronger exemplar-elicited empathic distress apparently fostered higher
        estimates of severe harm from carjacking.
           The investigation’s most significant findings concern the perception of
        risk after the passage of time. Surely, the inappropriate exemplification of
        fatal outcomes resulted in a substantial misassessment of fatality-produc-
        ing carjackings shortly after exposure to the report. With the passage of
        time, however, this misassessment grew to yet greater extremes. The
        divergent interaction apparent in the figure suggests, in fact, that the
        overestimation of risk increases with the degree of misrepresentation by
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