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                  however, ‘nondescripts were apt rather to appeal to casual curiosity-seekers . . .
                  They were increasingly likely to figure, not in learned zoological discussions . . .
                  but in the posters and handbills advertising sideshows and menageries’ (Ritvo
                  1997: 55). Like  ‘curiosity’,  ‘nondescript’ becomes a negatively valued term
                  associated with a certain kind of trivial thrill-seeking. The prurient looker (who
                  ‘gawps’ and ‘gapes’ instead of gazing) is viewed from a high culture perspective
                  as easily duped or taken in.
                    The trustees, directors, and curators of the great museums of Europe,
                  Australia and North America tended to see popular entertainments as
                  encouraging improper attention, and appealing to a crude lust for entertainment
                  that they associated with the working class. David Goodman (1990) refers to
                  the anxiety they expressed regarding such forms of attention as ‘fear of circuses’.
                  Museum authorities also began to vocally distance the museum from the curios-
                  ity cabinets, which they castigated as chaotic, poorly preserved and unscientific.
                  By the 1860s, the story of the museum was already being told as a story of the
                  progress away from  ‘mere curiosity’, chaotic display and poor preservation,
                  toward science, ordered typology and new techniques in preservation. This
                  teleological account, which is still rehearsed today, relies on reading certain
                  cabinets (such as Olaus Worm’s cabinet in Copenhagen) as intermediate stages,
                  in that they begin to use a recognizable classification system (Goodman 1990).
                  In this way, the curiosity cabinet was presented as the primitive ancestor of the
                  modern museum. Its marvellous and anomalous objects could only find a place
                  in the public museum if they could be transformed into typical or representative
                  specimens. The display of anomalies, oddities and the atypical became the
                  specialism of fairgrounds and circuses, freak shows and curio (or dime)
                  museums. The nineteenth century natural history museums, for instance, had
                  inherited vast numbers of preserved animals from the curiosity cabinets. Yet the
                  stuffed  ‘freaks of nature’ (two-headed lambs, Siamese-twin pigs and so on)
                  which had been commonplace in the early collections, were now only to be
                  found in popular curio museums. The public’s interest in these things was seen
                  as improper, prurient or salacious.
                    One of the important insights of Tony Bennett’s (1995) work is that the
                  museum should not be treated on its own, but rather as part of an ‘exhibitionary
                  complex’ which took shape in the nineteenth century. This complex included
                  the spectacular displays of popular curio museums, world’s fairs and trade
                  exhibitions, amusement parks, shopping arcades and department stores. While
                  the old curiosity collections passed on their objects, voluntarily or reluctantly,
                  to the public museums, they left a legacy of a different kind to the other sites of
                  the exhibitionary complex. I believe what they bequeathed was curiosity itself.
                  The public museum distanced itself from these other sites of exhibition and
                  display partly because curiosity and curious things did not sit well with the
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