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                   emphasis on systematic knowledge of the typical, or with aesthetic experience.
                   Yet, the museum isolated itself only by careful management of both the visitors
                   and the collections. It had to work hard to transform its inherited collections
                   into museum objects. This process was necessitated by the unstable and unset-
                   tling potential of both the appetite of curiosity, and the material things
                   designated as curiosities.
                     In the museum age, objects must be made sense of, classified and given their
                   place in the hierarchy of things and cultures. When Captain Cook set out on his
                   first journeys, Nicholas Thomas argues, the aesthetic qualities of a culture’s
                   artefacts were not necessarily linked to judgements about the culture as a whole
                   (1991: 131–2). In later journeys, however, artefacts were used in the attempts to
                   produce an evolutionary hierarchy of Pacific peoples, and even the most ‘curious’
                   object became the subject of anthropological classification. The objects from
                   the curiosity cabinets, marshalled into the new public museums were produced
                   as intelligible material culture. To make the artefacts of the old curiosity
                   collections work as museum objects, the museum had to stabilize them, reduce
                   their potential to unsettle and make them the legitimate objects of scientific,
                   historical or aesthetic interest. In the  first decades of the twentieth century,
                   museum authorities regularly complained that visitors continued to treat
                   museums as  ‘storehouses’ of curiosities. In 1904 the influential League of
                   Empire advised the  ‘orderly arrangement and transformation of mere curios
                   into objects of scientific interest by appropriate classification’ (cited in
                   Coombes 1991: 194).
                     Meanwhile, curiosity became the province of the popular amusements already
                   mentioned as well as of the cinema and the new emporiums of consumption,
                   the department stores and shopping arcades. Here were offered the sensations
                   of the unfamiliar and faraway within everyday cultural spaces (Swanson 2000:
                   28). Most importantly, these were public spaces frequented by women. Curiosity,
                   far removed from the firm claims to objective knowledge of the public museum
                   and of science, now belonged to the feminized world of popular consumption
                   and mass-produced fantasies of luxury. Yet, at least in the United States, the
                   museum did not stay distant from this world for long, and perhaps was never as
                   distant as the statements which explicitly rejected curiosity might lead us to
                   suppose. As H. Glenn Penny writes: ‘scarcity – in the form of the rare, the odd,
                   the old or the strange – maintained a prominent role in the selection of artefacts
                   and the designation of their value’ (2002: 80). The museum, like the market,
                   was driven by the desire to possess, and objects gain value in proportion to the
                   difficulty in acquiring them.
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