Page 36 - On Not Speaking Chinese Living Between Asia and the West
P. 36

ON NOT SPEAKING CHINESE

        and internally undifferentiated notion of ‘difference’ (Mani 1992). Against this
        tendency, which paradoxically only leads to a complacent indifference toward real
        differences, I would like to stress the importance for cultural studies to keep paying
        attention to the particular historical conditions and the specific trajectories through
        which actual social subjects become incommensurably different and similar. That
        is to say, in the midst of the postmodern flux of nomadic subjectivities we need
        to recognize the continuing and continuous operation of ‘fixing’ performed by
        the categories of race and ethnicity, as well as class, gender, geography, etc. on the
        formation of ‘identity’, although it is never possible, as determinist theories would
        have it, to decide ahead of time how such markers of difference will inscribe their
        salience and effectivity in the course of concrete histories, in the context of specific
        social, cultural and political conjunctures. To be more specific, it is some of the
        peculiarities of the operative dynamics of ‘Chineseness’ as a racial and ethnic
        category which I would like to highlight here. What I would like to propose is that
        Chineseness is a category whose meanings are not fixed and pregiven, but constantly
        renegotiated and rearticulated, both inside and outside China.
          But this brings me also to the limits of the polysemy of Chineseness. These
        limits are contained in the idea of diaspora, the condition of a ‘people’ dispersed
        throughout the world, by force or by choice. Diasporas are transnational, spatially
        and temporally sprawling sociocultural formations of people, creating imagined
        communities whose blurred and fluctuating boundaries are sustained by real and/or
        symbolic ties to some original ‘homeland’. As the editors of Public Culture have
        put it, ‘diasporas always leave a trail of collective memory about another place and
        time and create new maps of desire and of attachment’ (1989: 1). It is the myth of
        the (lost or idealized) homeland, the object of both collective memory and of desire
        and attachment, which is constitutive to diasporas, and which ultimately confines
        and constrains the nomadism of the diasporic subject. In the rest of this chapter,
        I will describe some moments of how this pressure toward diasporic identification
        with the mythic homeland took place in my own life. A curious example occurred
        to me when I first travelled to Taiwan – a country with which I do not have
        any biographical or familial connection. However, as a result of the Chinese ius
        sanguinis which is still in force in Taiwan, I found myself being automatically
        positioned, rather absurdly, as a potential national citizen of this country, that
        is to say, as a Chinese national subject.
          In the end, what I hope to unravel is some of the possibilities and problems
        of the cultural politics of diaspora. But this, too, cannot be done in general terms:
        not only is the situation different for different diasporas (Jewish, African, Indian,
        Chinese, and so on), there are also multiple differences within each diasporic group.
        For the moment, therefore, I can only speak from my own perspective; in the
        chapters that follow I will elaborate in more general terms on the complexities
        of Chinese diaspora politics.






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