Page 141 - Privacy in a Cyber Age Policy and Practice
P. 141

BALANCING NATIONAL SECURITY AND INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS  129

           the guarantee of a speedy trial all undermine the fight against terror-
           ism. Counterterrorism requires time to decipher the terrorists’ records,
           to prevent other attacks that might be underway, and to capture other
           members of the cell before they realize that one of their members has
           been apprehended. Also, security demands that authorities do not
           reveal their means and methods; therefore, one often cannot allow ter-
           rorists to face their accusers. (Imagine having to bring in a CIA agent
           or Muslim collaborator that the United States succeeded in placing high
           in al Qaeda’s command in order to have him testify in open court in the
           United States.)
             Furthermore, a law enforcement–based approach to surveillance that
           requires individualized suspicion is not an effective means of preventing
           terrorism. As John Yoo points out, “detecting al-Qaeda members who have
           no previous criminal record in the United States, and who are undeterred
           by the possibility of criminal sanctions, requires the use of more sweeping
                                               57
           methods,” such as those adopted by the NSA.  Next, the nature of the evi-
           dence likely to be presented in a terrorist trial is problematic. Much of it is
           classified and highly sensitive, which puts the government in the position of
           having to choose between jeopardizing national security in order to gain a
           conviction or letting terrorists off easy, if not completely, lest they give away
           vital sources and methods. When Mounir el-Motassadeq, a member of the
           Hamburg cell that included four 9/11 hijackers, was brought to trial in Ger-
           many for abetting mass murder, his conviction was successfully appealed
           and a judge ordered his immediate release because without being able to
           verify the statements made by the prisoners there was not “sufficient proof
           in either direction.” 58
             To avoid all these traps, the government, when forced to deal with terror-
           ists through civilian courts, often turns to plea bargaining. It is estimated that
           over 80 percent of the guilty terrorist convictions achieved in civilian courts
                                                59
           since 2001 have been the result of plea bargains.  Although guaranteeing a
           guilty verdict, plea deals result in light sentences. 60
             In short, there seem to be strong arguments that curbing terrorism
           justifies additional and, above all, different security measures than those
           employed in going after criminals. These arguments do not justify any
           particular security measure or surveillance program, but rather, sup-
           port the category of extraordinary public safety measures to which they
           belong. Thus, arguments put forward in this chapter in support of NSA
           surveillance do not necessarily support surveillance conducted for other
           reasons, such as counternarcotics law enforcement missions by the Drug
                                             61
           Enforcement Administration or the FBI.  An examination of the two
           specific programs under consideration, the phone surveillance program
           and PRISM, follows.
   136   137   138   139   140   141   142   143   144   145   146