Page 26 - Purchasing Power Black Kids and American Consumer Culture
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Consumption in Context  .  11

       chies, and  the  social politics of language. Like Davila's study of the  His-
       panic market, my work  seeks to  understand consumption  as embedded
       in  everyday politics, resonating with the  larger  political  economy in
       which  consumer  items, images,  and  opportunities  are generated.  This
       explicitly political terrain  is fraught  with  tensions,  many arising  from
       the  multiple forms of social  inequality that  permeate most  contempo-
       rary  lives  and  identities: those  of race,  class, gender, age,  and  sexuality.

       Consumption and  Social Inequality
       Much  research on the consumer  lives of those  who  are poor  and/or mi-
       nority has  been generated within the concepts of  "disadvantaged  con-
       sumers" or the "ghetto market." Interest in these areas was sparked in the
       late 1960s, precipitated  by widespread urban unrest and the  1967  riots in
       major  U.S. cities,  including  Chicago,  Los Angeles, Detroit, and  New
       Haven  (Andreasen 1975;  Caplovitz  1967;  Honeycutt  1975;  Sturdivant
       1969). Looting—or what  Fiske (1994), in an examination  of the  1991
       Los Angeles riots,  calls  "radical  shopping"—was an important  element
       in these riots, alerting consumer and marketing researchers to the  effects
       of  race,  class, poverty,  and ghettoization  on consumers.  It could  be ar-
       gued that the problems  sparking the riots of  1967  have actually intensi-
       fied  since that  time  (real wages are  down,  social welfare  budgets  are
       shrinking along with  municipal tax  rolls,  businesses are fleeing  "inner
       city" areas, and so on), yet the interest in the consumer lives of those  who
       are not middle class seems largely to have fizzled. Alan Andreasen charges
       that  "these  changing and worsening problems  [are] subject  to sustained
       neglect on the part of academic researchers" (1986,113).
          Extant studies document  the particular difficulties  typically faced  by
       disadvantaged consumers: local stores carrying inferior brands  for inflat-
       ed prices, high incidence of time-payment at  usurious rates  of  interest;
       poor  access to well-stocked supermarkets and pharmacies; an absence of
       local banks; and  a dearth  of businesses such as dry cleaners,  hardware
       stores, and the like (Alwitt 1995;  Andreasen 1975,1976,1986; Honeycutt
       1975). These studies document as well the money-management strategies
       adopted  by households where earnings often are not generous enough to
       cover the cost of rent, food, and transportation,  much less such essentials
       as cleaning supplies, telephone service, school  pencils and  notebooks,
       household appliances, clothing, and medical care (Edin  1991; Honeycutt
       1975;  Okongwu  1996).
          Much  consumption  theory  founders on  the  question  of poor  con-
       sumers  because  it implicitly  assumes that consumers are, first and  fore-
       most, middle class. And  yet, although  poor  consumers remain  largely
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