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58  .  The Shadow of Whiteness

       crowd  and  more  at  generating a nuanced  understanding  of the  pres-
       sures  and  problems  that  shape their  lives. In both works  a  focus  on
       poverty  and  the  most  distressed  urban  communities  remains.  These
       studies  are  not  theoretically grounded  in  the  study  of  consumption
       (they have other  overriding concerns), although  one can  extrapolate
       from  these and  other pieces of research just how consumption  might be
       shaped  by the  conditions  of poverty and  alienation.  Nightingale  does
       pay significant  attention  to what he calls "American consumer  culture,"
       but  the theoretical  perspective upon which  he bases both his analysis of
       this American consumer  culture  and  the  children  he describes is  not
       clearly delineated.
          Although stressing the structural  factors at work  in the immiseration
       of today's urban poor,  like most  work  in this vein, these authors  stress
       the isolation  of  "inner  city"  and  "underclass"  while at the  same time
       seeking to explore the political and economic connections between these
       places and the larger  society. Nightingale  and  Bourgois attempt  to chal-
       lenge the  two-dimensional, highly selective images of urban  minority
       youth (nearly always portrayed  as male) by presenting rich ethnographic
       accounts of the  lives of particular people in South Philadelphia and  East
       Harlem.  Both authors  reject the notion  that the problems  faced  by their
       subjects arise primarily from individual failings of character, motivation,
       or self-discipline. Rather, through historical,  political, economic,  and so-
       cial analyses, these authors  attempt  to draw  connections  between the
       ghetto  neighborhoods  where  they conducted  their  research, the  nation,
       and the world  at large. Neither  do these authors  attempt  to  whitewash
       the uglier aspects of the  often-harsh conditions  in which youth live and
       the ways in which this, in turn, can harden their natures. The main draw-
       back is in many ways their starting place: in the worst ghettos, among the
       poorest  of the  poor.  These  sites  effectively  allow  researchers to  look  at
       the reality behind popular  images and to counteract them with  carefully
       researched and reasoned accounts,  but they have also, in a way, allowed
       dominant  discourse to lay the boundaries of the inquiry. The census de-
       fines a ghetto tract as consisting of a population  with 40 percent  or more
       living at  or below the poverty line. This means, conversely, that  poten-
       tially a full  60 percent of the population is living above the poverty line,
       though  how  far above might be the relevant question. At the very least,
       the census definition  of a ghetto  tract  indicates that  economic diversity
       might well be the rule, not the  exception.
         South  Philadelphia  and  East  Harlem  stand  with  South Central Los
       Angeles  and  Chicago's  South  Side  as the  nation's  ur-ghettos, at the ex-
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