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132  Reception of religion and media

              media as a field of negotiation over appropriate and inappropriate presen-
              tation of such symbolism. She expresses an interesting and subtle “account
              of” programs like  X-Files as delving too much into “fantasy” and not
              enough into “reality” when contemplating aliens from outer space. These
              media then help her define her own beliefs, they are involved in compelling
              practice, and they serve identity on more than one level.
                As I said, Judy defies some of the categorization we brought into this
              analysis. As someone who we might have expected – demographically – to
              be rather conservative or traditional in her religiosity or spirituality, we
              might also have expected her media tastes and practices to represent that.
              As a devout Catholic, we would expect that she might not be that inter-
              ested in media representations of religion, or in specifically Catholic
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              representations if so. We have found something quite different. On one
              level, she is like we would have expected her to be. She attends services
              with some regularity, does not like televangelists (though she does watch
              them), and draws a bright line between her sense of her Catholic faith as
              “out-of-home” and other things “in-home” that have another status for
              her. But there is where the great difference lies between what we might
              have expected and what we found. Her “in-home” practice opens up into
              an interesting and complex set of beliefs and ideas, a personal sensibility of
              “seeking” or “questing” (though not described in those terms), and a
              negotiation with cultural commodities in the achievement of meaning and
              understanding, and the experience of salience or even effervescence (to use
              a Durkheimian term).
                Next is a case that should, on the face of it, provide a contrast. Against
              Judy, who by conventional measures would fit into Roof’s category “main-
              stream believer” or perhaps even “dogmatic,” we’ll now go to the other
              “pole,” a family that resembles much more Roof’s description of a “meta-
              physical believer and seeker.”

              “New Agers?”

              Butch and Priscilla Castello live in a large bedroom community outside a
              major city. Butch, 34, is Latino and Priscilla, 39, is of Italian descent. They
              have two small children, Leah, aged 5, and Corey, 8, who attend an alter-
              native school nearby. They live in a large, comfortable home in a relatively
              new neighborhood. Butch works in sales for an international telecommuni-
              cations firm; Priscilla is a homemaker who writes fiction. Their family
              income is over $75,000. They were both raised Catholic, but now identify
              themselves primarily with Buddhism. They are very much like Roof’s
              “metaphysical believers and seekers” in that they describe themselves as
              still seeking the right religion for them. In some ways, Buddhism seems
              more like a lifestyle than a spiritual choice for them, both of them agreeing
              to the Interviewer that they have not yet found the “right” religion or
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